Chapter 76
Tsunayos.h.i.+'s patronage extended also to the field of the fine arts.
The Tokugawa Bakufu had hitherto encouraged the Kano School only whereas the Tosa Academy was patronized by the Court at Kyoto. This partiality was corrected by Tsunayos.h.i.+., He invited Sumiyos.h.i.+ Gukei--also called Hirozumi--the most distinguished pupil of Tosa Mitsuoki, bestowed on him a revenue of two hundred koku, and gave him the official position of chief artist of the Tosa-ryu, placing him on an equal footing with the chief of the Kano-ryu. It was at this time also that the ukiyoe (genre picture) may be said to have won popular favour. Contemporaneously there appeared some dramatic authors of high ability, and as the ukiyoe and the drama appealed mainly to the middle and lower cla.s.ses, the domain of literature and the fine arts received wide extension. Thus, Chikamatsu Monzaemon, of Osaka, the greatest dramatist that his country ever possessed, composed plays which have earned for him the t.i.tle of the "Shakespeare of j.a.pan;"
and as for the light literature of the era, though it was disfigured by erotic features, it faithfully reflected in other respects the social conditions and sentiments of the time.
THE MERCANTILE CLa.s.s
From the commencement of j.a.panese history down to the second half of the seventeenth century, the canons and customs were dictated solely by the upper cla.s.s, and neither merchants nor artisans were recognized as possessing any social or literary influence whatever.
But in the middle period of the Tokugawa Bakufu--the Genroku period, as it is commonly called--the tradesman became a comparatively conspicuous figure. For example, in the realm of poetry, hitherto strictly reserved for the upper cla.s.ses, the cla.s.sic verse called renga (linked song) was considered to be sullied by the introduction of any common or every-day word, and therefore could be composed only by highly educated persons. This now found a subst.i.tute in the haikai, which admitted language taken from purely j.a.panese sources and could thus be produced without any exercise of special scholars.h.i.+p. Afterwards, by the addition of the hokku, an abbreviation of the already brief renga and haikai, which adapted itself to the capacities of anyone possessing a nimble wit or a sparkling thought, without any preparation of literary study, the range of poetry was still further extended. Mats...o...b..sho Was the father of the haikai and the hokku, and his mantle descended upon Kikaku, Ransetsu, Kyoriku, and other celebrities. They travelled round the country popularizing their art and immensely expanding the field of literature. The craft of penmans.h.i.+p flourished equally, and was graced by such masters as Hosoi Kotaku and Kitamura Sessan. Yedo, the metropolis of wealth and fas.h.i.+on, became also the capital of literature and the fine arts, and a characteristic of the era was the disappearance of charlatans, whether laymen or bonzes, who professed to teach the arcana of special accomplishments. In short, every branch of study pa.s.sed out of the exclusive control of one or two masters and became common property, to the great advantage of original developments.
REMOVAL OF THE ROJU
What has thus far been written depicts the bright side of Tsunayos.h.i.+'s administration. It is necessary now to look at the reverse of the picture. There we are first confronted by an important change of procedure. It had been the custom ever since the days of Ieyasu to conduct the debates of the council of ministers (Roju) in a chamber adjoining the shogun's sitting-room, so that he could hear every word of the discussion, and thus keep himself au courant of political issues. After the a.s.sa.s.sination of Hotta Masatos.h.i.+ this arrangement was changed. The council chamber was removed to a distance, and guards were placed in the room where it had originally a.s.sembled, special officials being appointed for the purpose of maintaining communications between the shogun and the Roju. This innovation was nominally prompted by solicitude for the shogun's safety, but as its obvious result was to narrow his sources of information and to bring him under the direct influence of the newly appointed officials, there is strong reason to believe that the measure was a reversion to the evil schemes of Sakai Tadakiyo, who plotted to usurp the shogun's authority.
YANAGISAWA YASUAKI
Tsunayos.h.i.+ had at that time a favourite attendant on whom he conferred the rank of Dewa no Kami with an estate at Kawagoe which yielded 100,000 koku annually. The friends.h.i.+p of the shogun for this most corrupt official had its origin in community of literary taste.
Tsunayos.h.i.+ lectured upon the "Doctrine of the Mean," and Yasuaki on the Confucian "a.n.a.lects," and after these learned discourses a Sarugaku play, or some other form of light entertainment, was organized. The shogun was a misogynist, and Yasuaki understood well that men who profess to hate women become the slave of the fair s.e.x when their alleged repugnance is overcome. He therefore set himself to lead the shogun into licentious habits, and the lecture-meetings ultimately changed their complexion. Tsunayos.h.i.+, giving an ideograph from his name to Yasuaki, called him Yos.h.i.+yasu, and authorized him to a.s.sume the family name of Matsudaira, conferring upon him at the same time a new domain in the province of Kai yielding 150,000 koku.
Thenceforth, the administration fell entirely into the hands of this schemer. No prime minister (dairo) was appointed after the a.s.sa.s.sination of Hotta Masatos.h.i.+; the council of ministers became a mere echo of Yoahiyasu's will and the affairs of the Bakufu were managed by one man alone.
DOG MANIA
Tsunayos.h.i.+ lost his only son in childhood and no other being born to him, he invited a high Buddhist priest to pray for an heir to the shogunate. This priest, Ryuko by name, informed Tsunayos.h.i.+ that his childless condition was a punishment for taking animal life in a previous state of existence, and that if he wished to be relieved of the curse, he must show mercy, particularly to dogs, as he had been born in the year whose zodiacal sign was that of the "Dog." It seems strange that such an earnest believer in the Confucian doctrine should have had recourse to Buddhism in this matter. But here also the influence of Yos.h.i.+yasu is discernible. At his suggestion the shogun built in Yedo two large temples, Gokoku-ji and Goji-in, and Ryuko was the prelate of the former. An order was accordingly issued against slaughtering dogs or taking life in any form, the result being that all wild animals multiplied enormously and wrought great damage to crops. Thereupon the Bakufu issued a further notice to the effect that in case wild animals committed ravages, they might be driven away by noise, or even by firing blank cartridges, provided that an oath were made not to kill them. Should these means prove defective, instructions must be sought from the judicial department.
Moreover, if any animal's life was taken under proper sanction, the carca.s.s must be buried without removing any part of its flesh or skin. Violations of this order were to be severely punished, and it was enacted that an accurate register must be kept of all dogs owned by the people, strict investigations being made in the event of the disappearance of a registered dog, and the officials were specially warned against permitting one animal to be subst.i.tuted for another.
Strange dogs were to be well fed, and any person neglecting this obligation was to be reported to the authorities.
At first these orders were not very seriously regarded, but by and by, when many persons had been banished to Hachijo-jima for killing dogs; when several others had been reproved publicly for not giving food to homeless animals, and when officials of the supreme court were condemned to confinement for having taken no steps to prevent dog-fights, the citizens began to appreciate that the shogun was in grim earnest. A huge kennel was then constructed in the Nakano suburb of Yedo as a shelter for homeless dogs. It covered an area of about 138 acres, furnished accommodation for a thousand dogs, and was under the management of duly appointed officials, while the citizens had to contribute to a dog-fund, concerning which it was said that a dog's ration for a day would suffice a man for a day and a half.
Tsunayos.h.i.+ came to be spoken of as Inu-kubo (Dog-shogun), but all his measures did not bring him a son; neither did their failure shake his superst.i.tious credulity. Solemn prayers were offered again and again with stately pomp and profuse circ.u.mstance, and temple after temple was built or endowed at enormous cost, while the laws against taking animal life continued in force more vigorously than ever. Birds and even sh.e.l.l-fish were included in the provisions, and thus not only were the nation's foodstuffs diminished, but also its crops lay at the mercy of destructive animals and birds. It is recorded that a peasant was exiled for throwing a stone at a pigeon, and that one man was put to death for catching fish with hook and line, while another met the same fate for injuring a dog, the head of the criminal being exposed on the public execution ground and a neighbour who had reported the offence being rewarded with thirty ryo. We read, also, of officials sentenced to transportation for clipping a horse or furnis.h.i.+ng bad provender. The annals relate a curious story connected with these legislative excesses. The Tokugawa baron of Mito, known in history as Komon Mitsukuni, on receiving evidence as to the monstrous severity with which the law protecting animals was administered, collected a large number of men and organized a hunting expedition on a grand scale. Out of the animals killed, twenty dogs of remarkable size were selected, and their skins having been dressed, were packed in a case for transmission to Yanagisawa Yos.h.i.+yasu, whom people regarded as chiefly responsible for the shogun's delirium. The messengers to whom the box was entrusted were ordered to travel with all speed, and, on arriving in Yedo, to repair forthwith to the Yanagisawa mansion, there handing over the skins with a written statement that the Mito baron, having found such articles useful in the cold season, availed himself of this opportunity to submit his experience together with a parcel of dressed hides to the shogun through Yos.h.i.+yasu. It is said that the recipient of this sarcastic gift conceived a suspicion of the Mito baron's sanity and sent a special envoy to examine his condition.
FINANCE
In the sequel of this corrupt administration, this constant building of temples, and this profusion of costly ceremonials, the shogun's Government found itself seriously embarra.s.sed for money. Ieyasu had always made frugality and economy his leading principles. He had escaped the heavy outlays to which his fellow barons were condemned in connexion with the Korean campaign, since his share in the affair did not extend beyond collecting a force in the province of Hizen.
Throughout his life he devoted much attention to ama.s.sing a reserve fund, and it is said that when he resigned the shogunate to his son, he left 150,000 gold oban (one and a half million ryo), and nearly two million ounces (troy) of silver in the treasury. Further, during his retirement at Sumpu, he saved a sum of one million ryo. The same economy was practised by the second shogun, although he was compelled to spend large sums in connexion with his daughter's promotion to be the Emperor's consort, as well as on the repairs of Yedo Castle and on his several progresses to Kyoto. On the occasion of these progresses, Hidetada is said to have distributed a total of 4.217,400 ryo of gold and 182,000 ryo of silver among the barons throughout the empire. The third shogun, Iemitsu, was open handed. We find him making frequent donations of 5000 kwamme of silver to the citizens of Kyoto and Yedo; constructing the inner castle at Yedo twice; building a huge wars.h.i.+p; entertaining the Korean amba.s.sadors with much pomp; disbursing 400,000 ryo on account of the s.h.i.+mabara insurrection, and devoting a million ryo to the construction and embellishment of the mausolea at Nikko. Nevertheless, on the whole Iemitsu must be regarded as an economical
As for his successor, Ietsuna, he had to deal with several calamitous occurrences. After the great fire in Yedo, he contributed 160,000 ryo for the relief of the sufferers; he rebuilt Yedo Castle, and he reconstructed the Imperial palace of Kyoto twice. In the Empo era (1673-1680), the country was visited by repeated famines, which had the effect of reducing the yield of the taxes and calling for large measures of relief. In these circ.u.mstances, a proposal was formally submitted recommending the debas.e.m.e.nt of the gold coinage, but it failed to obtain official consent. It may be mentioned that, in the year 1659, the treasury was reduced to ashes, and a quant.i.ty of gold coin contained therein was melted. With this bullion a number of gold pieces not intended for ordinary circulation were cast, and stamped upon them were the words, "To be used only in cases of national emergency." The metal thus reserved is said to have amounted to 160,000 ryo. The register shows that when the fifth shogun succeeded to power, there were 3,850,000 gold ryo in the treasury. But this enormous sum did not long survive the extravagance of Tsunayos.h.i.+.
After the a.s.sa.s.sination of Hotta Masatos.h.i.+, the administrative power fell entirely into the hands of Yanagisawa Yos.h.i.+yasu, and the example set by him for those under his guidance, and by his master, the shogun, soon found followers among all cla.s.ses of the people. As an instance of ludicrous luxury it may be mentioned that the timbers intended for the repair of the castle in Yedo were wrapped in wadded quilts when transported to the city from the forest. Finally, the treasury became so empty that, when the shogun desired to repair to the mausolea at Nikko, which would have involved a journey of ten days at the most, he was compelled to abandon the idea, as the officials of the treasury declared themselves unable to find the necessary funds. That sum was calculated at 100,000 ryo, or about as many pounds sterling, which fact is alone sufficient to convey an idea of the extravagance practised in everything connected with the Government.
The immediate outcome of this incident was the summoning of a council to discuss the financial situation, and after much thought the suggestion of Hagiwara s.h.i.+gehide, chief of the Treasury, was accepted, namely, wholesale debas.e.m.e.nt of the gold, silver, and copper coins. The old pieces, distinguished as "Keicho coins," that being the name of the year period (1596-1614) when they were minted, were replaced by greatly inferior "Genroku coins" (1688-1703), with the natural results--appreciation of commodities and much forging of counterfeit coins. Presently the Government is found levying a tax upon 27,200 sake brewers within the Kwanto, and, in 1703, fresh expedients became necessary to meet outlays incurred owing to a great earthquake and conflagration which destroyed a large part of Yedo Castle and of the daimyo's mansions. Further debas.e.m.e.nt of the currency was resorted to, the new coins being distinguished by the term "Hoei," after the name of the year-period when they were minted.
About this time several of the feudatories found themselves in such straits that they began to issue paper currency within their dominions, and this practice having been interdicted by the Bakufu, the daimyo fell back upon the expedient of levying forced loans from wealthy merchants in Osaka. Meanwhile, the crime of forgery became so prevalent that, in the interval between 1688 and 1715, no less than 541 counterfeiters were crucified within the districts under the direct control of the Bakufu., The feudatory of Satsuma is credited with having justly remarked that the victims of this cruel fate suffered for their social status rather than for their offence against the law, the real counterfeiters being Yanagisawa and Hagiwara, who were engaged continuously in uttering debased coins.
It must be admitted in behalf of the financiers of that era that their difficulties were much accentuated by natural calamities. The destructive earthquake of 1703 was followed, in 1707, by an eruption of Fuji, with the result that in the three provinces of Musas.h.i.+, Sagami, and Suruga, considerable districts were buried in ashes to the depth of ten feet, so that three years and a heavy expenditure of, money were required to restore normal conditions. Thenceforth the state of the Bakufu treasury went from bad to worse. Once again Hagiwara s.h.i.+gehide had recourse to adulteration of the coinage. This time he tampered mainly with the copper tokens, but owing to the unwieldy and impure character of these coins, very great difficulty was experienced in putting them into circulation, and the Bakufu financiers finally were obliged to fall back upon the reserve of gold kept in the treasury for special contingencies. There can be no doubt that j.a.pan's foreign trade contributed materially to her financial embarra.s.sment, but this subject will be subsequently dealt with.
TSUNAYOs.h.i.+'S FAVOURITE
When Tsunayos.h.i.+ became shogun, Yanagisawa Yos.h.i.+yasu occupied the position of a low-cla.s.s squire in the shogun's household and was in receipt of a salary of three hundred koku yearly. Four years later, he received the t.i.tle of Dewa no Kami and his revenue was increased to 100,000 koku. Finally, in 1703, he was appointed daimyo of Kai province and came into the enjoyment of a total income of 150,000 koku. This was the more remarkable inasmuch as, owing to the strategical importance of Kai, it had been reserved as a fief for one of the Tokugawa family, and its bestowal on a complete outsider was equivalent to the admission of the latter into the Tokugawa circle.
This remarkable promotion in rank and income shows how completely the shogun had fallen under the influence of his favourite, Yos.h.i.+yasu, who exhibited wonderful skill in appealing at once to the pa.s.sions and to the intellect of his master. Some historians of the time relate that the shogun's infatuation betrayed him into promising to raise Yos.h.i.+yasu's revenue to a million koku, and to nominate as successor to the shogunate a son borne by Yos.h.i.+yasu's wife to Tsunayos.h.i.+; but according to tradition, these crowning extravagances were averted on the very night preceding the day of their intended consummation, the shogun being stabbed to death by his wife, who immediately committed suicide. This tale, however, has been shown to be an invention with no stronger foundation than the fact that Tsunayos.h.i.+'s death took place very suddenly at a highly critical time. It is not to be doubted that many of the excesses and administrative blunders committed by the fifth Tokugawa shogun were due to the pernicious influence of Yanagisawa Yos.h.i.+yasu.
DECLINE OF THE SAMURAI SPIRIT
The no dance was among the indulgences which Tsunayos.h.i.+ affected and among the accomplishments in which he himself excelled. He took into his service a number of skilled dancers of the no, and treated them as hereditary va.s.sals, setting aside the chamber of the Paulownia for their use. These performers, whatever their origin, received the treatment of samurai, and their dainty posturing in the dance became a model for the lords of the Bakufu Court, so that the simple demeanour of military canons was replaced by a mincing and meretricious mien. Another favourite dance in Yedo Castle was the furyu. A book of the period describes the latter performance in these terms: "Sixteen youths made their appearance; they all wore wide-sleeved robes and purple figured silk with embroidery of oak leaves in gold and silver threads. They carried two swords with gold mountings and scarlet ta.s.sels, so that when they danced in harmony with the flutes and drums the spectacle presented was one of dazzling brilliancy." Thenceforth this "Genroku dance," as it came to be called, obtained wide vogue. The same is true of the joruri, which is one of the most emotional forms of chant. Hitherto the samisen had been regarded as a vulgar instrument, and its use had never received the sanction of aristocratic circles. But it now came into favour with all cla.s.ses of women from the highest to the lowest, and the singing of the joruri was counted a far more important accomplishment than any kind of domestic education.
Such an appeal to the emotional side of human nature could not fail to undermine the stoicism of the samurai and the morality of society in general. The practice of the military arts went out of fas.h.i.+on, and it became an object with the bus.h.i.+ not only to have his sword highly ornamented, but also to adapt its dimensions to the fas.h.i.+on of the moment, thus sacrificing utility to elegance. In short, the Genroku era (1688-1703) was essentially a time of luxury and extravagance, its literature abounding in theatrical plays, songs, verses, and joruri, and its ideals involving the sacrifice of the n.o.ble to the elegant. Men were promoted in rank not merely because they could dance gracefully, but also because they made themselves conspicuous for kindness to dogs, in obedience to the shogun's foible, and as many of these men had not learned to ride on horseback they pet.i.tioned for permission to use palanquins. This marked a signal departure from the severe rules of former days. Street palanquins (machi-kago) ultimately came into use by all who could afford the luxury. In short, the ancient order of educational precedence was reversed, and polite accomplishments took the place of military science.
ENGRAVING: FORTY-SEVEN RONIN
THE AKO VENDETTA
Nevertheless, this degenerate era produced one of the most remarkable acts of self-sacrificing loyalty that stand to the credit of j.a.panese samurai. On the 7th of February, 1703, forty-seven bus.h.i.+, under the leaders.h.i.+p of Ois.h.i.+ Yos.h.i.+o, forced their way into the mansion of Kira Yos.h.i.+hide; killed him in order to avenge the death of their feudal chief, Asano Naganori, daimyo of Ako; and then surrendered themselves to justice. Under the t.i.tle of The Forty-seven Ronins, this story has been told in history, on the stage, and in all forms of literature, so that its details need not be repeated here. It will suffice to say that, under great provocation, the Ako feudatory drew his sword in the precincts of Yedo Castle and cut down Kira Yos.h.i.+hide, for which breach of court etiquette rather than for the deed of violence, the Ako baron was condemned to commit suicide and his estates were confiscated. Thereupon, forty-seven of his princ.i.p.al va.s.sals pledged themselves to wreak vengeance, and, after nearly two years of planning and watching, they finally succeeded in achieving their purpose. Degenerate as was the spirit of the time, this bold deed aroused universal admiration. The vendetta was not illegal in j.a.pan.
It had been practised from medieval times and often with direct sanction of the authorities. But in no circ.u.mstances was it officially permissible within the cities of Kyoto, Yedo, Osaka, and Sumpu, or in the vicinity of the shogun's shrines. The forty-seven ronins had therefore committed a capital crime. Yet they had only obeyed the doctrine of Confucius, and the shogun therefore endeavoured to save their lives. More than a year was spent discussing the issue, and it is recorded that Tsunayos.h.i.+ appealed to the prince-abbot of Ueno in order to secure his intervention in the cause of leniency. The day was ultimately carried by the advocates of stern justice, and the forty-seven ronins were ordered to commit suicide.
They obeyed without a murmur. One of them, Terasaka Kichiemon by name, had been sent to carry the news to Ako immediately after the perpetration of the deed of vengeance. He returned when his comrades were condemned and gave himself up to the authorities, but they declined to punish him on the ground that the case had already been disposed of. The eminent Confucian scholar, Hayas.h.i.+ n.o.buatsu, pet.i.tioned for the pardon of the ronins, and the scarcely less celebrated Muro Kyuso compiled a book describing the incident; but, for some reason never fully explained, the noteworthy scholar, Ogyu Sorai, took the opposite side. One act of the authorities is eloquent as to the sentiment prevailing at the time. They condemned Yos.h.i.+hide's son, Yos.h.i.+kata, to be deprived of his ancestral domain for not having died in company with his father. As for the feeling of the nation at large, it was abundantly manifested by many of the great feudatories, who vied with one another in conferring offices and revenues on the sons and grandsons of the "Forty-seven."
YAMAGA SOKO
The affair of the forty-seven ronins helped to bring into eminence the name of Yamaga Soko, a firm believer in Confucianism and an ardent follower of military science. Amid an environment of unfavourable conditions Soko preached the cult of bus.h.i.+do, and was the first to embody that philosophy in a written system. His books--the s.h.i.+-do (Way of the Warrior) and Bukyo Shogaku (Military Primer)--contain minute instructions as to the practice and the morale of the samurai. Soko rejected the Chutsz interpretation, then in vogue, of the Chinese cla.s.sics, and insisted on the pure doctrine of the ancient sages, so that he found himself out of touch with the educational spirit of the time. Thus, falling under the displeasure of the Bakufu, he was charged with propagating heterodox views and was sent to Ako to be kept in custody by Asano Naganori, who treated him throughout with courtesy and respect. In return, Soko devoted his whole energy during nineteen years to the education of the Ako va.s.sals, and the most prominent of the Forty-seven Ronins was among his pupils.
THE SIXTH SHOGUN, IEn.o.bU
Tsunayos.h.i.+ died of small-pox in 1709, after a brief illness. He had no son, and: five years previously, his nephew Ien.o.bu (third son of his deceased elder brother, Tsunas.h.i.+ge) had been declared heir to the shogunate. Having been born in 1662, Ien.o.bu was in his forty-seventh year when he succeeded to the office of shogun. His first act was to abolish Tsunayos.h.i.+'s legislation for the protection of animals. He is said to have offered the following explanation at the tomb of the deceased shogun: "You desired to protect living animals and strictly interdicted the slaughter of any such. You willed that even after your death the prohibition should be observed. But hundreds of thousands of human beings are suffering from the operation of your law. To repeal it is the only way of bringing peace to the nation."
ARAI HAKUSEKI
Ien.o.bu gave evidence of his sagacity by dismissing Yanagisawa Yos.h.i.+yasu, the corrupt favourite of the late shogun; by appointing in his stead Manabe Norifusa to the office of personal a.s.sistant (soba yoniri), and by reposing full confidence in Arai Hakuseki. This last is recognized by posterity as the most distinguished among j.a.panese Confucianists. He studied the literature of both the Tang and the Sung dynasties, and he laboured to apply the precepts of Chinese philosophy to the practical needs of his own country. Moreover, he devoted exceptional attention to the conditions existing in Occidental States, and he embodied his thoughts and researches on the latter subject in a book called Sairan Igen, the first treatise of its kind published in j.a.pan.
A practical ill.u.s.tration of his knowledge was furnished in connexion with the reception of Korean envoys. It had been customary to convey to these officials an imposing conception of j.a.panese magnificence by treating them with lavish hospitality. Hakuseki was able to detect that the conduct of the envoys violated in many respects the rules of Chinese etiquette, and having obtained the shogun's nomination to receive the envoy, Cho, he convinced the latter that there must be no more neglect of due formalities. He then memorialized the shogun in the sense that these Korean amba.s.sadors were merely Chinese spies, and that instead of receiving a lavish welcome, they should be required to limit their journey to the island of Tsus.h.i.+ma, where only a very restricted ceremonial should be performed in their honour.
This shrewd, though somewhat conservative, suggestion elicited general approval, but was not carried into effect until the time of the eleventh shogun.
ENGRAVING: ARAI HAKUSEKI
ADJUSTMENT OF THE FINANCES
It has been shown above that the fifth shogun bequeathed to his successor a much embarra.s.sed treasury. In this realm, also, the advice of Arai Hakuseki proved invaluable. In his volume of reminiscences there is an interesting statement connected with finance. It quotes Hagiwara s.h.i.+gehide, commissioner of the Treasury, as saying that the shogun's estate at that time yielded four million koku annually, in addition to which there accrued from 760,000 ryo to 770,000 ryo in money, representing the proceeds of dues and taxes. In this latter sum was included 40,000 ryo, customs duties collected at Nagasaki, and 6000 ryo yielded by a tax on sake. The same report mentions that a sum of 160,000 ryo had been expended in clearing away the volcanic ashes which fell in the three provinces of Musas.h.i.+, Sagami, and Suruga after the great eruption of Fujisan. Arai Hakuseki was able to prove the erroneous character of this report, but his demonstration did not impugn any of the above figures. Incidentally it is mentioned in Arai's comments that 700,000 ryo were allotted for building an addition to Yedo Castle, and 200,000 ryo for the construction of the deceased shogun's mausoleum, out of which total Hakuseki explicitly charges the officials, high and low alike, with diverting large sums to their own pockets in collusion with the contractors and tradesmen employed on the works. Another interesting investigation made by Arai Hakuseki is in connexion with the country's foreign trade. He showed that the amount of coins exported from Nagasaki alone, during one year, totalled 6,192,800 ryo of gold; 1,122,687 kwamme of silver and 228,000,000 kin of copper.* He alleged that the greater part of this large outflow of specie produced nothing except luxuries with which the nation could very well dispense, and he therefore advised that the foreign trade of Nagasaki should be limited to thirteen Chinese junks and two Dutch vessels annually, while stringent measures should be adopted to prevent smuggling.
*One kin equals 1.25 lbs.
The ordinance based upon this advice consisted of two hundred articles, and is known in history as the "New Nagasaki Trade Rules of the Shotoku Era" (1711-1715). One portion of the doc.u.ment ran as follows: "During the Jokyo era (1684-1687), the trade with Chinese merchants was limited to 6000 kwamme of silver, and that with Dutch traders to 50,000 ryo of gold, while the number of Chinese vessels was not allowed to exceed seventy per annum. After a few years, however, copper coins came into use as media of exchange in addition to silver, and moreover there was much smuggling of foreign goods.
Thus, it resulted that gold, silver, and copper flowed out of the country in great quant.i.ties. Comparing the aggregate thus exported during the 107 years since the Keicho era with the amount coined in j.a.pan during the same interval, it is found that one-quarter of the gold coins and three-quarters of the silver left the country. If that state of affairs continue, it is obvious that after a hundred years from the present time one-half of the empire's gold will be carried away and there will be no silver at all left. As for copper, the sum remaining in the country is insufficient, not only for purposes of trade but also for the needs of everyday life. It is most regrettable that the nation's treasure should thus be squandered upon foreign luxuries. The amount of currency needed at home and the amount produced by the mines should be investigated so as to obtain a basis for limiting the foreign trade at the open ports of Nagasaki, Tsus.h.i.+ma, and Satsuma, and for fixing the maximum number of foreign vessels visiting those places."
IMPEACHMENT OF HAGIWARA s.h.i.+GEHIDE
In connexion with Arai Hakuseki's impeachment of the Treasury commissioner, Hagiwara s.h.i.+gehide, it was insisted that an auditor's office must be re-established, and it was pointed out that the yield of rice from the shogun's estates had fallen to 28.9 per cent, of the total produce instead of being forty per cent., as fixed by law.
Nevertheless, the condition of the farmers was by no means improved, and the inevitable inference was that the difference went into the pockets of the local officials. Similarly, enormous expenses were incurred for the repair of river banks without any corresponding diminution of floods, and hundreds of thousands of bags of rice went nominally to the bottom of the sea without ever having been s.h.i.+pped.
During the year that followed the reconstruction of the auditor's office, the yield of the estates increased by 433,400 bags of rice, and the cost of riparian works decreased by 38,000 ryo of gold, while, at the same time, the item of s.h.i.+pwrecked cereals disappeared almost completely from the ledgers. In consequence of these charges the commissioner, s.h.i.+gehide, was dismissed. History says that although his regular salary was only 3000 koku annually, he embezzled 260,000 ryo of gold by his debas.e.m.e.nt of the currency, and that ultimately he starved himself to death in token of repentance.
Ien.o.bu and his able adviser, Hakuseki, desired to restore the currency to the system pursued in the Keicho era (1596-1614), but their purpose was thwarted by insufficiency of the precious metals.
They were obliged to be content with improving the quality of the coins while decreasing their weight by one half. These new tokens were called kenji-kin, as they bore on the reverse the ideograph ken, signifying "great original." The issue of the new coins took place in the year 1710, and at the same time the daimyo were strictly forbidden to issue paper currency, which veto also was imposed at the suggestion of Arai Hakuseki.