Chapter 7
Mr. Payne came out after Mr. Parker left the street; for he declared in Court, that at 20 minutes after nine, when the bells rang, he went out into the street, and was told, as Mr. Parker had been, that the soldiers had sallied out of their barracks, and had cut & wounded a number, but were driven in again - He declared that the centinel was walking by himself, and no body near him - so that the barber's boy and his three or four comrades, were at that time gone off - He heard a considerable noise in Cornhill, and a noise of people coming up Silsby's alley - they were inhabitants: Fourteen or fifteen, perhaps twenty, pa.s.sed by him, some with sticks, others without; as many of the latter as the former - They cried where are they? It is necessary to connect the circ.u.mstances, as the facts are related: Here therefore I will remind the reader, that besides the Soldiers that came out of Murray's barracks, and who now may be suppos'd to have been driven in, there was also a party that had issued from the main guard, and another party of Soldiers who came thro' Quaker-lane, all arm'd with naked cutla.s.ses, &c. who went into Cornhill not long before, and there insulted every person they met: These were the men whom the persons mentioned by Mr. Payne, in all probability refer'd to, when they cried, where are they. - Certainly no persons could be tho't blame-worthy, for pursuing a banditti, who had already put a number of peaceable people in great terror of their lives, with a design to prevent their doing further mischief: There is no foundation to suppose, that they had any other design: Yet these are the persons, who, as some would have it, were the faulty cause of the slaughter, that afterwards ensued: It was indeed unfortunate that they happened to take that rout; for Mr.
Payne added, that a lad came up and said, that the centry had knock'd down a boy, upon which the people turn'd about, and went directly to the centry: By which, one would think, that they had no design to attack the centry before: and that they would not even have spoken to him, had they not been told that he had injured the boy: Till then, the centry had not been the object of their attention; and I must insist upon it, that they had then as good right by the law, to resent the injury done to the boy, as the party from the main-guard had afterwards, to resent the injury done, if there was any, to the centry - The prudence in either case I will not undertake to vindicate - Mr. Payne further said, he was afraid of what might happen from the peoples surrounding the centry, and wished they might be taken off - He returned to his own door, which is nearly on the opposite side of the street, and there heard the people cry to the centry, fire, d.a.m.n you, why don't you fire. - I have just observ'd, that Mr. Payne expressed his concern at the peoples surrounding the centry: Mr. Henry Knox, another witness for the prisoners, a young gentleman of a very good reputation, was probably near the centry while Mr. Payne was at his own door - He testified in court, that the people were round the centry, and they said he was going to fire - That he was waving his gun- That he (Mr. Knox) told him, if he fired he must die - That in return he d.a.m.n'd them, and said, that if they molested him, he would fire - That the boys were d.a.m.ning him and daring him to fire - That he heard one say he would go and knock him down for sweeping (his gun) - that he thought the centry snapped - He added that he saw nothing thrown at the centry, altho' he was near him till after the party came down and Mr.
Payne finished his testimony with saying, that he perceived nothing but the talk that led him to think the Soldiers would fire.
Mr. Leigh, and Mr. Frost, both witnesses for the prisoners, testified, that the barber's boy came up to the people, and pointing at the centry, said, here 's the son of a b--ch that knocked me down; upon which one of the witnesses said, the people cried kill him - Both said, that the centry ran to the custom- house steps, knocked at the door, but could not get in - neither of them mention'd any thing thrown at him, nor any attack upon him - he prim'd and loaded his gun and levelled it; told the people to stand off, and called to the main-guard; upon which Capt. Preston and his party came down - Mr. Bulkly, summoned also by the prisoners, testified that he thought the centry was in danger, by the number of people about him, and the noise; and mentioned no other reason for his thinking so - he said that a person told Capt. Preston, that they were killing the centry - This person was probably one Thomas Greenwood, a servant in the custom-house; for he himself declared before the magistrates, that he was in the custom-house, and went from thence to the main-guard, and told one of the Soldiers, if they did not go down to the centry, he was afraid they would hurt him, tho' he had not seen any person insult him - This man, at the same time depos'd, that he saw two or three snow b.a.l.l.s fall near the steps of the custom-house, but saw no person throw any stones; tho' he had placed himself in the most convenient room in the house for observation - Mr. Harrison Gray mention'd the people round the centry, making use of opprobrious language, and threatening; but said nothing of their attacking him, or throwing anything at him - Mr. Hinckley declared, that the people went to the centry, and at last some of them cried kill him, but did not see any attempt to hurt him - Mr. Cornwall swore, that he saw snow b.a.l.l.s and 2 or 3 oyster sh.e.l.ls thrown at the centry, but did not think they hit him - he heard several young gentlemen perswading the people to go off, and believed they all would have gone off, if the Soldiers had not come down - Mr.
Helyer declared, that he came into King-street, and saw the centry and twenty or thirty persons - some boys at their diversion - The centry wav'd his gun in a way that had a tendency to exasperate the people - Mr. Brewer saw the centry with his bayonet breast high - a number of boys, twenty or more round him, talking but doing nothing. Mr. Bailey was standing with the centry on the custom-house steps - saw 20 or 30 boys of about 14 years old - they were throwing pieces of ice at him, large and hard enough to hurt him, but did not know whether they hit him. This must appear very strange as he was so near him - his standing with him on the steps, would lead one to think he was an acquaintance of the centry; which is confirmed by another circ.u.mstance, for he said that when the party came down, one of the Soldiers put his bayonet to his breast, and the centry told him not to hurt him - Mr.
Simpson swore, that the centry knock'd at the customhouse door - that a person came to the door and spoke to him, upon which he turn'd and loaded his gun - There was one witness, and I think but one, who mention'd pieces of sea-coal thrown at the centry; and that was Andrew a Negro - A fellow of a lively imagination indeed!
- One, who I believe could tell as good a story even to my lord of H. and give his lords.h.i.+p as circ.u.mstantial an account of "the unhappy transaction", as some, who have already had the honor of doing it, & who may think themselves to be Andrew's betters - he is remarkable for telling romantick stories in the circles of his acquaintance - And whether his fancy had beguil'd his own judgment, or whether he had a mind to try his success at painting upon so serious an occasion, or lastly, whether he was resolv'd to do his utmost to save the prisoners, I pretend not to say; but he certainly made some folks believe, that the ashes made of sea-coal burnt with great savings in the adjacent offices, were like the cinders thrown out of a blacksmith's shop -Andrew's evidence, if not his judgment, was greatly rely'd upon; and the more, because his master, who is in truth an honest man, came into court and swore to his character; and further said, that Andrew had told him, that He really believ'd the inhabitants were to blame - It is, I am apt to think, in general true, that no man knows so little of the real character of his servant, as the master himself does: It is well known, that the Negroes of this town have been familiar with the soldiers; and that some of them have been tamper'd with to cut their master's throats: I hope Andrew is not one of these. His character for integrity and even for learning, for he can both read & write, has been upon this occasion wrought to so high a pitch, that I am loth even to hint any thing that may tend to depreciate it; otherwise, I should say, that there are some, whose kitchens Andrew has frequented, who will not give him quite so exalted a character, as others, who had not known him, thought he deserved. - Several others, witnesses for the prisoners testified to the same purpose; that the people encroach'd upon the centry; that he loaded his gun and threatned to fire upon them; and that they in return dared him to fire, and throw'd a few snow b.a.l.l.s. Mr. Hall said, that he presented his gun at the people, and they threw snow b.a.l.l.s and some oyster-sh.e.l.ls at him; and they hit his gun two or three times - Mr. Payne who saw the centry when he was alone, and until the party came up and fired, "perceived nothing but the talk, that he thought would have induced him or any of the Soldiers to fire": Words are not an a.s.sault, and could not warrant him to fire: Mr. Knox and others saw nothing thrown at him nor any attack made on him: Mr.-----and some others said, they saw snow b.a.l.l.s and other things thrown at him; but it appears very probable, from the course of the evidence, that if any thing was thrown at him, it was not till he had loaded his gun, threatened to fire, & waved it in such a manner as tended to exasperate people; and as Mr. Knox tho't, had snapped his gun. The first a.s.sault was made by the centry himself, when upon a foolish provocation in words only, he struck the barber's boy: He renewed the a.s.sault, when he loaded his gun and presented it upon the people, threatning to fire upon them: In doing this, he put his Majesty's subjects in terror of their lives, against the law of the land; and they would have been justified in seizing him at least - If he had thought himself in danger, instead of threatning the lives of others, he must first, according to the law of the land, have retreated if he could, and even from his post: Other doctrine, I know, has been strongly inculcated of late, by those who would set up, or tamely yield to, an uncontroulable military power; but I trust in G.o.d, it will never be established here: It never can, while the people entertain a just idea of the nature of civil government, and are upon their guard against the daring encroachments of arbitrary, despotic power. The people were inclin'd to disperse, and did disperse, in the beginning of this childish dispute; as appeared by the evidence of Mr. Parker: And notwithstanding the mutual animosity, if the reader pleases, which afterwards arose between the centry and them, they would have finally dispers'd, in the opinion of another witness, if the party had not come down from the main-guard.
VINDEX.
Jan. i.
TO STEPHEN SAYRE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Jany 12 1771
SIR
I wrote you p Capt Hall who saild about ten days ago, & then inclosd, some papers publishd in the Boston Gazette upon the Subject of the late Trial of the Soldiers. I now send you duplicates, together with others on the same Subject since publishd. I perceive that Mr Hutchinson is appointed Govr here,1 & it is said he is to have an independent Salary! Is not this perfect Despotism? What can the people of Britain mean, by suffering their great men to enslave their fellow Subjects? Can they think that the plan is confind to America? They will surely find themselves mistaken. I am in haste.
1 "I find by the prints that the Commissions have been published at Boston,14th Inst const.i.tuting Lt Gov. Hutch. Governor, and Secrety Oliver Lt Gov. of Ma.s.sachusetts." - Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles [March 22, 1771], vol. 1., p. 97. "Govr Thomas Hutchinson and Lieut. Govr Andrew Oliver, Esq's., commissions published ; Judges in their robes, and all the Bar in their habbits, Walked in procession."
[March 14, 1771], The Diaries of Benjamin Lynde, and of Benjamin Lynde, Jr., p. 201.
ARTICLE SIGNED "VINDEX."
[Boston Gazette, January 14, 1771.]
To the PRINTERS.
I Have in my last, consider'd the situation and behavior of the centry, and the people that were round him, immediately before the coming down of the Soldiers from the main-guard. Some of the witnesses, sworn in open court, who I believe, are allow'd to be of equal credit with any of the rest, and were present thro' the whole b.l.o.o.d.y scene, declared, that they perceived nothing thrown at the centry - Nothing but the number of people and the noise they made, that led them to apprehend he was in danger - Nothing but the talk, that induc'd them to think he would fire: Others indeed saw snow b.a.l.l.s, and other things thrown at him, after he presented his gun, and wav'd it in an exasperating manner, and threatened to fire: - One in particular, declared, that he saw b.a.l.l.s of ice thrown, large & hard enough to hurt any man: It is strange, if he thought the centry in danger, that he should stand so near him, as by his own testimony it is evident he did, till the Soldiers came down: I think, upon the whole, we may fairly conclude, that but few of these things were thrown at him; and that they were in consequence of his loading his gun, & presenting it at the people: It was the opinion of one of the witnesses for the prisoners, that the people would have dispersed, if the soldiers had not come down: It was then unfortunate, that the soldiers were so suddenly order'd down. Whether it was regular, for a captain to take a corporal's command, or was ever done before in the army, I leave others to say, who are better acquainted with the art military, than I pretend to be: If not, it may be difficult to account for Capt. Preston's great readiness to undertake so disagreable and dangerous a task.
In the publick Advertiser, printed in London, the 28th of April last, I have seen a paper called, the Case of Capt. Thomas Preston: It was published in his name, tho' not wholly his own draft; as he declared to a committee of this town, who waited upon him for an explanation of some pa.s.sages in it,1 which were notoriously false, and grosly reflecting upon some of the magistrates, as well as the people of the town and province. I may hereafter particularly consider this paper, which has had its run thro' Britain and America; and point out the many "faults of partiality" which are contain'd in it: The only reason why I have not already done it, was, because I agreed in the general sentiment of the inhabitants of this town, that nothing of this kind should be publish'd, at so critical a juncture, lest it might be tho't to prejudice the minds of Jurors on a trial for life.2- It may be perhaps more easy, and of full as much importance to the publick, to ascertain the person, who several times alter'd the state of the case; and, as Capt. Preston himself declared, even after it finally came out of his hands, as it would be, to ascertain the person in a red cloke; which the writer in Draper's paper has been so often in vain called upon to do, in fulfillment of his voluntary promise. - In this paper, Capt. Preston, or his friend in his behalf, says, "he sent a non- commission'd officer and twelve men, and very soon follow'd himself:" The witnesses in court, on both sides declared, that Capt. Preston himself came down with the party. Again he says, he followed, "lest the officer and soldiers should be thrown off their guard, and commit some rash act": But, did he restrain them from commiting so rash an act, as firing upon the mult.i.tude? - He surely must have observ'd the violent temper which the soldiers discover'd, as "they rushed thro' the people" according to his own account; "upon the trot, in a threatning manner, d.a.m.ning the people and pus.h.i.+ng them with their bayonets", as Mr. Knox and others swore in court: He knew their guns were charg'd with ball; he declar'd it at the time, and on the spot, as Mr. Palmes testified: Should he not then, at the very instant, when he must if ever, have been apprehensive, that they would commit some rash act, at least have caution'd them, not to fire, till he himself should give the orders? Instead of this, by his own, or his friend's account, publish'd as his own, we find no such prudent directions to the men under his command; who by the rules of the army, would have been liable to suffer death, if they had disobey'd! What single step did he take, to prevent their committing a rash act, for the sake of which alone, he tells us, he followed down? Not one according to the state of his case, till after they began to fire: "Upon my asking the men, says he, why they fired without orders, they said, they heard the word, fire, and suppos'd it come from me": It seems, it was the apprehension of the Soldiers, that he order'd them to fire; and we must suppose, that the Soldiers were particularly attentive to their commanding officer: But he adds, "I a.s.sured them my words were, don't fire"; from hence it is plain that he gave them some order.
I am no Soldier, and never desire to be one: But I appeal to those who are, whether the words, "don't fire," are words of command in the British army; and whether there is not some other word which Soldiers are taught to understand, more proper to be given on such an occasion, or, as I chuse to express it, in the heat of action, which would have prevented such rashness, and even put it out of their
These words, I well remember, it was said were made use of in command, at another time, and by another officer of the same regiment; when one of the soldiers, thro' mistake, fired upon the march, in the street, and very nearly effected the death; not to say, the murder of a worthy citizen: The soldier was soon jostled from the reach of civil power; which was a mighty easy thing to be done, as was found by experience, at a time when the first magistrate of the province had publickly declared, that he had no authority over the King's troops, which has since been repeated: The good men of the county however, found a bill of indictment against the officer who commanded the party: But when the matter came upon trial before the superior court, altho' some positively swore that he gave the word, fire, yet because the soldiers swore that his words were don't fire, a doubt arose; and a doubt you know, must turn in favor of the accused party; for the good old maxim is, whether founded in the law of Moses, the common law, the law of nature and reason, or the safety of human societies, better ten villains escape than one honest, harmless man be hang'd- Whether the officer would have so luckily escaped, upon a trial before a court martial, for giving a word of command, unintelligible in a military sense, I very much doubt.. - Capt.
Preston further said, that "his intention was not to act offensively, nor even the contrary part, without compulsion": That is, when he should think himself compelled, he was to act defensively; and in what way could he or his soldiers act upon the defence, with muskets charg'd with ball, but by discharging them upon the people, which he must have concluded would have kill'd some of them? No matter, the people were the agressors; and besides, "the King's money was to be protected" as well as the centinel - Here I will acquit Capt. Preston, as a man of too much honor to suggest a known falshood: It has been the constant practice of a certain set of men, meanly to insinuate, that the Americans in their exertions against lawless power, have always had something dishonorable in view: At present, it is the plundering the King's chest; altho' even Greenwood himself, an hired servant in the custom-house, a dependent upon dependents, if he is to be believed, depos'd before the magistrate, that amidst the whole volley, as some would have it, of snow b.a.l.l.s, oyster sh.e.l.ls, ice, and as Andrew said, sea coal, thrown at the centinel, "not a single Pane of the custom-house windows were broken; nor did he see any person attempt to get into the house, or break even a square of gla.s.s " - The soldiers acted defensively, and it seems as tho' Preston thought they were at length compelled to do it; for if it was done against his orders, or barely without his orders, with what propriety could he say to the person of the first character in the province, "I did it to save my men," - A precise answer indeed, to the question put to him; and therefore, I should have thought, not "unsatisfactory," or "imperfect ", as it was afterwards affirmed to have been.
Such were the effects of Capt. Preston's sending the non- commission'd officer and the soldiers to protect the centinel and the King's money; and of his following very soon after, to prevent their committing a rash act: But if Capt. Preston had a right to go to the protection of any man whom he thought in danger, had he or his party a right to engage in an affray, and carry into an incensed mob, as he calls it, weapons which could not be used without killing, and there make use of them as he should judge necessary? Ought he not to have called upon a civil officer, and put himself, and his men, if required, under his direction, before he went upon so desperate a design? Or, does the law of the land, invest every, or any military officer, even of the highest rank, with the right, above all other citizens, of making himself a party in a riot, under a pretence of suppressing it; of carrying with him soldiers arm'd with weapons of death, and making use of them at discretion, without even the presence of a civil officer - This is a point of too much importance to be yielded; for the lives of subjects are not to depend, upon the judgment or discretion, much less upon the will and pleasure, or wanton humour of his Majesty's military servants.
I am sensible, I have heretofore taken up too much room in your useful paper: I shall avoid it at present; and the rather, to afford you the opportunity of inserting an address "to the PROTESTANTS of the three Kingdoms, and the COLONIES"; being the preface to a late publication in London, containing a series of important letters of the Earl of Hillsborough, the Marquiss of Rockingham, and others, from a gentleman whose signature is Pliny, junior.
VINDEX
1 See above, page 14.
2 See above, page 102.
ARTICLE SIGNED "VINDEX."
[Boston Gazette, January 21, 1771.]
To the PRINTERS.
As the lives of five of his Majesty's subjects were unfairly lost on the evening of the 5th of March last, it follows that some persons must have been in fault:
The unhappy sufferers, for ought that has ever appeared, were in the peace of G.o.d and the King; let their memories then, so far at least as respects this matter, remain unreproach'd. It appeared by the evidence in court, that all the prisoners were present in king street; that they all discharg'd their musquets but one, and his flush'd in the pan; and that the deceas'd were all kill'd by musquet b.a.l.l.s. Six of the prisoners were acquitted by the jury, and two were found guilty of manslaughter. In ordinary cases, the publick ought to rest satisfied, with the verdict of a jury; a method of trial, which an Englishman glories in as his greatest security: It is a method peculiar to the English; and as a great writer observes, has been a probable means of their having supported their liberties thro' so many ages past: Among the most substantial advantages arising from trials by juries, there is this incidental one, in this province especially; that by our laws, no man being oblig'd to serve as a juryman more than once in three years, it falls upon the freemen as it were by rotation; by this means, the people in general are in their turns called to that important trust; by attending in courts of law and justice, it is to be presum'd that their minds are there impress'd with a sense of justice; and that they gain that general idea of right or law, which it is necessary that all men in a free country should have. "It is an admirable inst.i.tution, by which every citizen may be plac'd in a situation, that enables him to contribute to the great end of society, the distributing justice; and it every where diffuses a spirit of true patriotism, which is zealously employed for the publick welfare." I am not about to arraign the late jurors before the bar of the publick: They are accountable to G.o.d and their own consciences, and in their day of trial, may G.o.d send them good deliverance. But in times when politicks run high, we find by the experience of past ages, it is difficult to ascertain the truth even in a court of law: At such times, witnesses will appear to contradict each other in the most essential points of fact; and a cool conscientious spectator is apt to shudder for fear of perjury: If the jurors are strangers to the characters of the several witnesses, it may be too late for them to make the enquiry, when they are upon their seats: The credibility of a witness perhaps cannot be impeac'd in court, unless he has been convicted of perjury: But an immoral man, for instance one who will commonly prophane the name of his maker, certainly cannot be esteemed of equal credit by a jury, with one who fears to take that sacred name in vain: It is impossible he should in the mind of any man: Therefore, when witnesses substantially differ in their relation of the same facts, unless the jury are acquainted with their different characters, they must be left to meer chance to determine which to believe; the consequence of which, may be fatal to the life of the prisoner, or to the justice of the cause, or perhaps both. It was for this reason, that I was concern'd, when the council for the crown objected the notoriety of the immoral character of a witness, that he was stopped by one of the council on the other side. In a court of justice, it is beneath any character to aim at victory and triumph: Truth, and truth alone is to be sought after.
While the soldiers were pa.s.sing from the main guard to the custom- house, it did not appear by any of the witnesses, that they were molested by the people; if we except what was mention'd, as having been said by Mr. Car, one of the deceased persons: His doctor testified, that he told him, the "people pelted them as they went along". - The declaration of a dying man commonly carries much weight, and oftentimes, possibly more than it ought: This man's declaration was not made upon oath, nor in the presence of a magistrate: The doctor had a curiosity, as most had, to know how matters were, and enquired of his patient who he thought could inform him; it may be, not expecting to be called to relate it before a court, nine months afterwards, when he might have nothing but memory to recur to: No one disputes the doctor's understanding or integrity: I have before said, that others were ready to testify, that Car gave them a very different account from that which he gave to his doctor: It ought to be remembered, that the unhappy man was laboring under the pains and anxiety occasioned by a mortal wound; and might not be able at all times to attend duly to such questions as were asked him: What makes it highly probable that he must have been mistaken, is, that among the many witnesses, not one on either side, mention'd their seeing the least ill usage offer'd to the soldiers as they pa.s.s'd from the main guard; not even Mr. Gridley, whose declared intention was, at the request of some gentlemen, with whom he had been in company, to
It is agreed by the witnesses for the prisoners, who mention'd their seeing the soldiers upon their first coming down, that they loaded their guns, levelled them at the people & began to insult & abuse them, (as indeed they did upon their march); before any just provocation had been offer'd to them. - Mr. Hinckley saw the party come down - they loaded - push'd their bayonets and p.r.i.c.ked the people - Mr. Wilkinson also saw the party come down; did not see anything thrown at them, tho' he stood at two or three yards distance - Mr. Murray said they came down and cried make way - Andrew declared, that the party planted themselves at the custom- house - the people gave three cheers - he heard one of the soldiers say, d.a.m.n you stand back - one of them had like to have p.r.i.c.k'd a man as he was pa.s.sing by, and swore by G.o.d he would stab him - several persons were talking with the captain, and a number pressing on to hear what they said; one of the persons talking with the officer said "he is going to fire"; the people shouted and said, he dare not fire; and then they began to throw snow b.a.l.l.s. Even by Andrews account, the people were rather curious to know what the soldiers design'd to do, than intent upon doing
them any hurt, untill they were a.s.saulted by them; which I am apt to think is true; because Newtown Prince, another Negro, of whom for my own part I conceive a better opinion than of Andrew, declared, that the Soldiers planted themselves in a circle - their guns breast high -and, the people crowded on, to speak with Capt. Preston - and further, several of the witnesses swore that they themselves talked with the Captain, and one of them caution'd him against firing - Capt. Preston himself also in his printed state of his case says, that he reasoned with "some well behav'd persons": To show that "as he was advanced before the muzzels of their pieces, he must fall a sacrifice if they fired " -and that his ordering them to fire "upon the half c.o.c.k and charged bayonets would prove him no officer"; all which might be true, and yet in my humble opinion not quite so "satisfactory" as the answer which he afterwards gave to the Lieutenant Governor; for he might, I suppose, in an instant s.h.i.+ft his station, and the soldiers, by a proper word of Command, might discharge their musquets without his falling a sacrifice or forfeiting the character of a soldier - Such a manner of reasoning upon their question, whether he intended to order the men to fire, was evasive; and may serve to show Captain Preston's opinion, that however well behav'd these gentlemen were, they were no Soldiers.
I shall now take notice of what the witnesses for the crown testified concerning the behavior of the Soldiers, upon their first arrival at the custom-house. Mr. Austin saw the party come down; the captain was with them; McCauley, one of the prisoners, loaded his gun, push'd at him with his bayonet and d.a.m.n'd him - He did not observe the people press on - Mr. Bridgham declared, that about a dozen surrounded the Soldiers and struck their guns with their sticks: But he also said the Soldiers were loading at the same time - He further added, that he did not apprehend himself or the Soldiers in any danger by any thing he saw, from whence it may be suppos'd, that as the people struck their guns only, when they might as easily have have knocked them down, their intention was not to hurt them, but rather to prevent their loading - Mr. Brewer saw the party come down - told Captain Preston that every body was about dispersing; in which he agreed with another witness, who was of the opinion that the people would have dispers'd if the Soldiers had not come down; Mr. Brewer added, that Killroi, one of the prisoners, struck him with his bayonet before they formed, and that he saw no blows and nothing thrown before the firing - Mr. Bailey testified, that when the party came down, Carrol one of the prisoners put his bayonet to his breast. Mr. Wilkinson stood at about two yards distance from the Soldiers all the while they were there - He saw no ice nor snow b.a.l.l.s thrown; in which he agreed with Mr. Austin - Mr.
Fosd.i.c.k testified, that he was push'd as the party came down - that afterwards they wounded him in the breast - two different bayonets were thrust into his arm - all this while there had been no blows that he saw, nor did he know the cause of their firing - Mr. Palmes saw Capt. Preston at the head of the Soldiers who were drawn up with their guns breast high and their bayonets fixed; and Preston told him they were loaded with powder and ball - I think I have mentioned all the witnesses, who testified in court to what they saw upon the first arrival of the party at the customhouse: And by their testimonies the reader will judge, whether the Soldiers had just provocation to fire upon the people; or whether they were in danger of their lives or had any reason to think they were: On the contrary, whether they did not themselves first a.s.sault the people as they were coming from the main guard; and afterwards, by levelling their guns loaded with ball in an exasperating manner at the people; pus.h.i.+ng their bayonets at some of them, wounding others and threatning all, even before any injury had been offer'd to them.
I shall conclude what I have to say upon this interesting subject in my next. In the mean time let me a.s.sure Philanthrop, that I am fully of his mind, that a true patriot "will not from private views, or by any ways or means foment and cherish groundless fears and jealousies": But perhaps we may not be so well agreed in our determination, when the fears and jealousies of our fellow citizens are groundless - It is I believe the general opinion of judicious men, that at present there are good grounds to apprehend a settled design to enslave and ruin the colonies; and that some men of figure and station in America, have adopted the plan, and would gladly lull the people to sleep, the easier to put it in execution: But I believe Philanthrop would be far from acknowledging that he is of that opinion. The fears and jealousies of the people are not always groundless: And when they become general, it is not to be presum'd that they are; for the people in general seldom complain, without some good reason. The inhabitants of this continent are not to be dup'd "by an artful use of the words liberty and slavery, in an application to their pa.s.sions," as Philanthrop would have us think they are; like the miserable Italians, who are cheated with the names " Excommunication, Bulls, Crusades,"
&c. They can distinguish between "realities and sounds"; and by a proper use "of that reason which Heaven has given them ", they can judge, as well as their betters, when there is danger of slavery. They have as high a regard for George the III. as others have, & yet can suppose it possible they may be made slaves, without "enslaving themselves by their own folly and madness"; They can believe, that men who "are bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, born and bred among us," may, like Achan, for a wedge of gold, detach themselves from the common interest, and embark in another bottom; in hopes that they, "with their wives and children" will one day stand and see, and enjoy, and triumph, in the ruins of their country: Such instances there have been frequently in times past; and I dare not say, we have not at present, reason enough for "exclaiming with the roman patriot, 0 tempora, 0 mores ". The true patriot therefore, will enquire into the causes of the fears and jealousies of his countrymen; and if he finds they are not groundless, he will be far from endeavoring to allay or stifle them: On the contrary, constrain'd by the Amor Patrae, and from public views, he will by all proper means in his power foment and cherish them: He will, as far as he is able, keep the attention of his fellow citizens awake to their grievances; and not suffer them to be at rest, till the causes of their just complaints are removed. - At such a time Philanthrop's Patriot may be "very cautious of charging the want of ability or integrity to those with whom any of the powers of government are entrusted": But the true patriot, will constantly be jealous of those very men: Knowing that power, especially in times of corruption, makes men wanton; that it intoxicates the mind; and unless those with whom it is entrusted, are carefully watched, such is the weakness or the perverseness of human nature, they will be apt to domineer over the people, instead of governing them, according to the known laws of the state, to which alone they have submitted. If he finds, upon the best enquiry, the want of ability or integrity; that is, an ignorance of, or a disposition to depart from, the const.i.tution, which is the measure and rule of government & submission, he will point them out, and loudly proclaim them: He will stir up the people, incessantly to complain of such men, till they are either reform'd, or remov'd from that sacred trust, which it is dangerous for them any longer to hold. -Philanthrop may tell us of the hazard "of disturbing and inflaming the minds of the mult.i.tude whose pa.s.sions know no bounds": A traitor to the const.i.tution alone can dread this: The mult.i.tude I am speaking of, is the body of the people - no contemptible mult.i.tude - for whose sake government is inst.i.tuted; or rather, who have themselves erected it, solely for their own good - to whom even kings and all in subordination to them, are strictly speaking, servants and not masters. "The const.i.tution and its laws are the basis of the public tranquility - the firmest support of the public authority, and the pledge of the liberty of the citizens: But the const.i.tution is a vain Phantom, and the best laws are useless, if they are not religiously observed. The nation ought then to watch, and the true patriot will watch very attentively, in order to render them equally respected, by those who govern, and the people destin'd to obey " - To violate the laws of the state is a capital crime; and if those guilty of it, are invested with authority, they add to this crime, a perfidious abuse of the power with which they are entrusted: "The nation therefore, the people, ought to suppress those abuses with their utmost care & vigilance" - This is the language of a very celebrated author, whom I dare say, Philanthrop is well acquainted with, and will acknowledge to be an authority.
Philanthrop, I think, speaks somewhat unintelligibly, when he tells us that the well being and happiness of the whole depends upon subordination; as if mankind submitted to government, for the sake of being subordinate: In the state of nature there was subordination: The weaker was by force made to bow down to the more powerful. This is still the unhappy lot of a great part of the world, under government: So among the brutal herd, the strongest horns are the strongest laws.
Mankind have entered into political societies, rather for the sake of restoring equality; the want of which, in the state of nature, rendered existence uncomfortable and even dangerous. I am not of levelling principles: But I am apt to think, that const.i.tution of civil government which admits equality in the most extensive degree, consistent with the true design of government, is the best; and I am of this opinion, because I agree with Philanthrop and many others, that man is a social animal. Subordination is necessary to promote the purposes of government; the grand design of which is, that men might enjoy a greater share of the blessings resulting from that social nature, and those rational powers, with which indulgent Heaven has endow'd us, than they could in the state of nature: But there is a degree of subordination, which will for ever be abhorrent to the generous mind; when it is extended to the very borders, if not within the bounds of slavery: A subordination, which is so far from conducing "to the welfare and happiness of the whole", that it necessarily involves the idea of that worst of all the evils of this life, a tyranny: An abject servility, which instead of "being essential to our existence as a people," disgraces the human nature, and sinks it to that of the most despicable brute.
I cannot help thinking, that the reader must have observed in Philanthrop's last performance, that a foundation is there laid for a dangerous superstructure: and that from his principles, might easily be delineated a plan of despotism, which however uncommon it may be, for the laws and const.i.tution of the state to be openly and boldly oppos'd, our enemies have long threatened to establish by violence. If Philanthrop upon retrospection shall think so, he will, like a prudent physician, administer an antidote for the poison: If not, I hope the attention of others will be awakened to that excellent maxim, "no less essential in politicks than in morals", principiis obsta. It is impolitick to make the first attempt to enslave mankind by force: This strikes the imagination, and is alarming: "Important changes insensibly happen: It is against silent & slow attacks that a nation ought to be particularly on its guard."
VINDEX.
Jan. 15th.
ARTICLE SIGNED VINDEX."
[Boston Gazette, January 28, 1771]
To the PRINTERS.
In my last, I recollected the testimonies of the witnesses on both sides, who related in court the behavior of the soldiers and the people, on the fatal evening of the fifth of March last. The reader, if he pleases, will judge; whether the people struck the soldiers guns, or threw snow b.a.l.l.s or any other thing, or offer'd them the least violence, from their first turning out till they had march'd to the custom-house, abused, threatned, beat and wounded the people, loaded their guns with powder and ball, levelled them, and waved them in an exasperating manner, and gave out that they would fire; for, if Andrew is to be believed, he testified, that when one of the persons talking with the officer, turn'd and said, "they are going to fire ", the people shouted, and said "they dare not fire ", and then they began to throw snow b.a.l.l.s. If all these things were done by the soldiers, before the people offer'd them any injury, I would ask, who made the first a.s.sault? If there was an unlawful a.s.sembly, who were they? Were the people the unlawful a.s.sembly, who were collected together, some from an apprehension of fire in the town, and with the necessary preparations, engines and buckets, to have extinguish'd it, if there had been one; others from the more alarming apprehension, that the soldiers had issued from the barracks, as indeed they had done, and that agreable to their threatnings many days before, and their correspondent behavior on that very evening, they were ma.s.sacreing the inhabitants? Were they, who bore all that insolent and irritating language from the soldiers, as they march'd from the main guard, and before they form'd at the customhouse; who were push'd at, struck with bayonets and wounded, to be charg'd with being the aggressors, because they finally, when they saw them bent upon firing against repeated warnings, took such methods as their understanding dictated to them, in the midst of such a scene, to prevent their "committing so rash an act"? An act, which it was the duty as well as the profess'd design of their officer to have prevented; and which, in the opinion of some, he might have prevented if he would: And yet we find a person of high rank and figure in this province, testifying in court in the case of Capt. Preston, that such was his opinion of the prudence of this same officer, that he should have chosen him out to have commanded upon a like occasion.
I believe, that in ordinary times, if a banditti of men of violence had been seen, with guns loaded and bayonets fix'd, trembling with rage, and ready to fire upon a mult.i.tude in the street, it would have been counted meritorious, in any man or number of men, at all events to have disarm'd them; and if death had ensued in the attempt, perhaps it would not have been adjudg'd excuseable homicide or manslaughter. I am sensible it is said by some, that it was the duty of the soldiers to maintain their post: It was sworn by a military officer in court, that "the centinel at the custom-house, was station'd and appointed by the commanding officer, Lieut. Colonel Dalrymple; that they could not stir from their post, and it was at their peril if they did"; and Capt. Preston in his state of the case says, "He sent a party to protect the centinel": But this is military language; to be used in camps and garrison'd towns, not in free cities; in courts martial, and not in courts of common law: It is dangerous to adopt military maxims, however pleasing they may be to some men, and to bring them into use in civil societies: If the centinel had been in danger, as was pretended, the law of the land, to which the most distinguish'd officer in the King's army is subjected, would have protected that centinel: Or, if there had indeed been a dangerous mob, the law would have suppress'd it; and no soldier should have dared to have interfered, as a soldier, without the command of a civil magistrate.
Capt. Preston in his state has said, "The mob still increas'd, and was more outrageous": And what did he say the mob did after they became more outrageous? Why, "they struck their clubs or bludgeons one against another: and called out, come on you rascals, b.l.o.o.d.y backs, lobster scoundrels, fire if you dare, we know you dare not fire, and much more such language": But surely it will not be said, that all this would justify or excuse their firing: This was after the soldiers had insulted and wounded the people, and had loaded their guns and threatned to fire, as appears by the current evidence; and yet hitherto, by his own account, we find no violence nor even threat offer'd to the soldiers; nothing but hard names and daring them to fire. He adds, "while I was parleying and endeavoring all in my power to perswade them to retire peaceably - they advanced to the points of the bayonets, struck some of them, and even the muzzels of the peices"; which corresponds with the testimonies of some of the witnesses in court before mentioned, who said that while they were loading, the people struck their guns; very probably, however indiscrete it might be, to prevent their firing. He further says "they seem'd to be endeavoring to close in with the soldiers": This was not mention'd by any witness in court, nor does it seem to be likely: Indeed, I cannot see how Capt. Preston could imagine, that they seem'd to be endeavoring to close in with the soldiers: He says, "he was talking with some well behaved persons, who had asked him whether he intended to order the men to fire": Some of the witnesses mention'd the people's pressing in, and more naturally accounted for it, viz, from a curiosity "to know what was said ". Capt. Preston adds, "while I was thus speaking (with the well behaved persons, and in all likelihood at the very instant, when Andrew testified it was said, they were going to fire) one of the soldiers having received a severe blow with a stick, stepped a little on one side and instantly fired."
Upon this, says Capt. Preston, "a general attack was made upon the men": So that there was no general attack, according to his account, till after the firing; which agrees with Mr. Bridgham and other unexceptionable witnesses in court, who declared, that "there was no danger to the soldiers from any thing they saw " -- " no molestation, nor any thing which they thought could produce firing": Indeed, one of the witnesses for the prisoners, Mr. Nath. Russell testified, that "the soldiers were in a trembling situation, and seemed to apprehend themselves in immediate danger of death"; but being interrogated, whether their trembling might not be the effect of rage, he replied, perhaps it might proceed both from fear and rage. If there had been such a general attack as Capt. Preston mentions, after one of the soldiers had actually fired, and the others appear'd to be just ready to fire (for they all discharg'd their guns in a few minutes afterwards) it would have been such an appearance as might naturally have been expected; and therefore Capt. Preston, who, as he says, "followed" the party for that very purpose, should have taken more effectual care than he did to have "prevented so rash an act " - There was time enough for him to have at least prevented the continuance of the firing after the first gun was discharg'd, and consequently to have saved the lives of some of his Majesty's subjects ; for Mr.
Bridgham testified, that there was half a minute between the first and the second gun.
It seems by the evidence, that Montgomery, one of the prisoners, was the first who fired: It is probable that he was the man, whom Captain Preston mentions, as having received a blow: The witnesses varied in their testimonies concerning this fact: He was struck with a stick, either flung from behind or otherwise: Some say he was knock'd down; others, that he did not fall: Capt. Preston himself said, "he stepped a little on one side": Mr. Palmes, who gave, I think, the clearest account of this matter, declared, that he saw Montgomery struck; he stepped or sallied back, he could not say which - he did not fall; he was sure he was not knock'd down before he fired; he could not be, & he not see it, for his hand was laid familiarly on Capt. Preston's shoulder, and the soldier stood close to the Captain; he added, that he himself knock'd Montgomery down, after they had all fired; and the reason was, that because even then, he was going to p.r.i.c.k him with his bayonet. It seems, the rage of pa.s.sion in the breast of this soldier, like that in Killroi's, had not abated, after discharging his piece upon the people: His thirst was not even then a.s.swaged:' Upon his attempt, after all the firing, and while numbers were dead on the spot before him, to stab Mr. Palmes, he struck with his stick, and knock'd his gun out of his hand; and then he struck the first man he could, which happened to be Preston: A circ.u.mstance related by Preston himself, with this difference; he says he received the blow, as he turned to the man who fired, and asked him why he fired without orders; Mr. Palmes said, it was after all the guns were fired: So that if Mr. Palmes was not mistaken, Capt. Preston did not put that necessary question, till after all the firing was over, tho' there was half a minute's distance between the first and second gun! Mr. Palmes spake upon oath in court; Capt. Preston did not: Which of them was the more disinterested person, the reader will judge. Mr. Palmes mentioned a further struggle between him and Montgomery; and the soldier, after the third attempt to stab him, in missing him fell to the ground, and he escaped with his life. - Mr. Danbrook saw Montgomery fire, and two persons fall - Mr. Ba.s.s also saw the same soldier fire; was sure he did not fall before he fired; he stood where he must have seen it; he thought he fell afterwards, which co-operates with Mr. Palmes's testimony. - Mr. Burd.i.c.k went up to one of the soldiers, whom he took to be the bald man (pointing at Montgomery); asked him whether he intended to fire; he answered, yes by the eternal G.o.d! A soldier push'd his bayonet at him, upon which he struck at him a violent blow and hit the c.o.c.k of his gun; he saw but one thing thrown, and that was a short stick ; he heard a ratling, & took it to be the knocking of the soldiers guns together; for the ground was slippery, and they were continually pus.h.i.+ng at the people; after the firing, while the people were taking up the dead, the soldiers began to present and c.o.c.k their guns, and then the officer said don't fire any more. - Andrew declared, that the soldiers were pus.h.i.+ng with their bayonets all the time he was there; and that the people (being advis'd so to do before any gun was discharged) seemed to be turning away to leave the soldiers: he gives a very minute account of three or four person's coming round Jackson's corner, with a stout man at their head - his throwing himself in and making a stroke at the officer - their paying upon each others heads - and the soldiers paying upon the heads of the people too; and concludes this part of his narrative, with the soldiers firing: It seems however, to be the account of the contest between Mr. Palmes and Montgomery, after all the firing was over, as related by Mr. Palmes; and wro't up and embellished, in a manner in which Andrew was said to be capable of doing, and sometimes to have done upon occasions of mirth, and to divert company.