Chapter 52
Dr. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Inst.i.tuts, Berlin.
Matthias Erzberger, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin.
Prof. Dr. Francke, Berlin.
B. Huldermann, Direktor der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Hamburg.
Dr. Ernst Jaeckh, Berlin.
D. Naumann, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin.
Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des preussischen Herrenhauses, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin.
Graf zu Reventlow, Schriftsteller, Charlottenburg.
Dr. Paul Rohrbach, Dozent an der Handelshochschule, Berlin.
Dr. Schacht, Direktor der Dresdner Bank, Berlin.
Honorary Committee.
Ballin, Vorsitzender des Direktoriums der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Hamburg.
Furst von Bulow, Hamburg.
Dr. R.W. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Inst.i.tuts, Berlin.
D. Dryander, Ober-Hof-und Domprediger, Berlin.
Dr. Freiherr von der Goltz, Generalfeldmarschall, Berlin.
Von Gwinner, Direktor der Deutschen Bank, Berlin.
Prof. Dr. von Harnack, Berlin.
Furst von Hatzfeldt, Herzog zu Trachenberg.
Dr. Heineken, Direktor des Norddeutschen Lloyds, Bremen.
Furst Henckel von Donnersmarck.
Dr. Kaempf, Praesident des Reichstags, Berlin.
Prof. Dr. Eugen Kuhnemann, Breslau.
Prof. Dr. Lamprecht, Leipsic.
Dr. Theodor Lewald, Direktor im Reichsamt des Innern, Berlin.
Franz von Mendelssohn, Praesident der Handelskammer, Berlin.
Furst Munster-Derneburg, Mitglied des Herrenhauses.
Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des Herrenhauses und des Reichstags, Berlin.
Graf von Posadowsky-Wehner.
Dr. Walther Rathenau, Berlin.
Viktor Herzog von Ratibor.
Dr. Schmidt, Ministerialdirektor, Berlin.
Prof. Dr. von Schmoller, Berlin.
Graf von Schwerin-Lowitz, Praesident des Hauses der Abgeordneten.
Wilhelm von Siemens, Berlin.
Friedrich Furst zu Solms-Baruth.
Max Warburg, Hamburg.
Siegfried Wagner, Baireuth.
Try to realize, every one of you, what we are going through! Only a few weeks ago all of us were peacefully following our several vocations. The peasant was gathering in this Summer's plentiful crop, the factory hand was working with accustomed vigor. Not one human being among us dreamed of war. We are a nation that wishes to lead a quiet and industrious life. This need hardly be stated to you Americans. You, of all others, know the temper of the German who lives within your gates. Our love of peace is so strong that it is not regarded by us in the light of a virtue, we simply know it to be an inborn and integral portion of ourselves. Since the foundation of the German Empire in the year 1871, we, living in the centre of Europe, have given an example of tranquillity and peace, never once seeking to profit by any momentary difficulties of our neighbors. Our commercial extension, our financial rise in the world, is far removed from any love of adventure, it is the fruit of painstaking and plodding labor.
We are not credited with
Every one is aware that we have produced great philosophers and poets, we have preached the gospel of humanity with impa.s.sioned zeal. America fully appreciates Goethe and Kant, looks upon them as cornerstones of elevated culture. Do you really believe that we have changed our natures, that our souls can be satisfied with military drill and servile obedience? We are soldiers because we have to be soldiers, because otherwise Germany and German civilization would be swept away from the face of the earth. It has cost us long and weary struggles to attain our independence, and we know full well that, in order to preserve it, we must not content ourselves with building schools and factories, we must look to our garrisons and forts. We and all our soldiers have remained, however, the same lovers of music and lovers of exalted thought. We have retained our old devotion to all peaceable sciences and arts; as all the world knows, we work in the foremost rank of all those who strive to advance the exchange of commodities, who further useful technical knowledge. But we have been forced to become a nation of soldiers in order to be free. And we are bound to follow our Kaiser, because he symbolizes and represents the unity of our nation. Today, knowing no distinction of party, no difference of opinion, we rally around him, willing to shed the last drop of our blood. For though it takes a great deal to rouse us Germans, when once aroused our feelings run deep and strong. Every one is filled with this pa.s.sion, with the soldier's ardor.
But when the waters of the deluge shall have subsided, gladly will we return to the plow and to the anvil.
It deeply distresses us to see two highly civilized nations, England and France, joining the onslaught of autocratic Russia. That this could happen will remain one of the anomalies of history. It is not our fault; we firmly believed in the desirability of the great nations working together, we peaceably came to terms with France and England in sundry difficult African questions. There was no cause for war between Western Europe and us, no reason why Western Europe should feel itself constrained to further the power of the Czar.
The Czar, as an individual, is most certainly not the instigator of the unspeakable horrors that are now inundating Europe. But he bears before G.o.d and posterity the responsibility of having allowed himself to be terrorized by an unscrupulous military clique.
Ever since the weight of the crown has pressed upon him, he has been the tool of others. He did not desire the brutalities in Finland, he did not approve of the iniquities of the Jewish pogroms, but his hand was too weak to stop the fury of the reactionary party. Why would he not permit Austria to pacify her southern frontier? It was inconceivable that Austria should calmly see her heir apparent murdered. How could she? All the nationalities under her rule realized the impossibility of tamely allowing Servia's only too evident and successful intrigues to be carried on under her very eyes. The Austrians could not allow their venerable and sorely stricken monarch to be wounded and insulted any longer. This reasonable and honorable sentiment on the part of Austria has caused Russia to put itself forward as the patron of Servia, as the enemy of European thought and civilization.