Chapter 57
[216] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 7
[217] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 246.
[218] It is Brantome who tells the anecdote, in his usual sarcastic way.
"Encor, tout religieux, demy sainct qu'il estoit, il ne se peut en garder que quant le roy son fils eut gaigne la bataille de Sainct-Quentin de demander aussi tost que le courrier luy apporta des nouvelles, s'il avoit bien poursuivi la victoire, et jusques aux portes de Paris." uvres, tom. I. p. 11.
Luis Quixada, in a letter written at the time from Yuste, gives a version of the story, which, if it has less point, is probably more correct. "S. Magd. esta con mucho cuidado por saber que camino arra tomado el Rey despues de acabada aquella empresa de San Quintin." Carta de 27 de Setiembre, 1557, MS.
[219] "Para no entrar en Francia como su padre comiendo pabos, i salir comiendo raizes." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 8.
[220] "Si l'on m'oyoit tenir quelque langage, qui approchast de faire composition, je les suppliois tous qu'ils me jetta.s.sent, comme un poltron, dedans le fosse par dessus les murailles: que s'il y avoit quelqu'un qui m'en tint propos, _je ne lui en ferois pas moins_."
Coligni, Memoires, ap. Collection Universelle des Memoires, tom. XL. p.
272.
[221] Gaillard, Rivalite, tom. V. p. 253.
[222] Burnet, Reformation, vol. III. p. 636.
[223] For notices of the taking of St. Quentin, in greater or less detail, see Coligni, Memoires, ap. Collection Universelle des Memoires, tom. XL.; Rabutin, Memoires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Memoires, tom.
VII. p. 556 et seq.; De Thou. Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp.
164-170; Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 9; Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 152.
Juan de Pinedo, in a letter to the secretary Vazquez, (dated St.
Quentin, August 27,) speaking of the hard fighting which took place in the a.s.sault, particularly praises the gallantry of the English: "Esta tarde entre tres y quatro horas se ha entrado San Quentin a pura fuerca peleando muy bien los de dentro y los de fuera, muy escogidamente todos, y por estremo los Ingleses." MS.
[224] Letter of the earl of Bedford to Sir William Cecil, (dated "from our camp beside St. Quentin, the 3rd of Sept. 1557,") ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II p. 493.
[225] According to Sepulveda, (De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I.
cap. 30,) no less than four thousand women. It is not very probable that Coligni would have consented to cater for so many useless mouths.
[226] "The Swartzrotters, being masters of the king's whole army, used such force, as well to the Spaniards, Italians, and all other nations, as unto us, that there was none could enjoy nothing but themselves. They had now showed such cruelty, as the like hath not been seen for greediness: the town by them was set a-fire, and a great piece of it burnt." Letter of the earl of Bedford to Cecil, ap. Tytler, Edward VI.
and Mary, vol. II. p. 493.
[227] Rabutin, Memoires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Memoires, tom. VII.
pp. 537-564.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp.
149-170.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.
The best account of the siege of St. Quentin is to be found in Coligni's Memoires, (ap. Collection Universelle des Memoires, tom. XL. pp.
217-290,)
[228] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 173-177.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 13.--Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I. cap. 32.
[229] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III, pp. 163, 176.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 377 et seq.
[230] "C'etoit un proverbe recu en France pour designer un mauvais general, un guerrier sans merite, de dire: _il ne cha.s.sera pas les Anglois de la France_." Gaillard, Rivalite de France et de l'Espagne, tom. V. p. 260
[231] "Aussi les Anglois furent si glorieux (car ils le sont a.s.sez de leur naturel) de mettre sur les portes de la ville que, lors que les Francois a.s.siegeront Calais, l'on verra le plomb et le fer nager sur l'eau comme le liege." Brantome, uvres, tom. III. p. 203.
[232] Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. III. p. 646.
[233] Ibid., p. 650.
[234] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 238.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 512.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Memoires, tom. VII. p. 598.--Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap.
21.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. V. cap. 5.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 154.
[235] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.
[236] "Nous sommes vainqueurs; que ceux qui aiment la gloire et leur patrie me suivent." De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 240.
[237] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.
[238] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 240.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 516.
[239] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 241.
[240] "Ma della caualleria niuno fu quasi, ch' non morisse combattendo, non resta.s.se prigione, non potendosi saluar fuggendo in quei luoghi paludosi, malageuoli." Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II.
lib. 10.
[241] For the accounts of this battle, see Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap.
21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 239-241.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 513 et seq.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Memoires, tom. VII. p. 598.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. V. cap. 5.--Ferreras, Histoire Generale d'Espagne, tom. IX. p.
396.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 155.
I know of no action of which the accounts are so perfectly irreconcilable in their details as those of the battle of Gravelines.
Authorities are not even agreed as to whether it was an English fleet that fired on the French troops. One writer speaks of it as a Spanish squadron from Guipuscoa. Another says the marines landed, and engaged the enemy on sh.o.r.e. It is no easy matter to extract a probability from many improbabilities. There is one fact, however, and that the most important one, in which all agree,--that Count Egmont won a decisive victory over the French at Gravelines.
[242] There is an interesting letter of Philip's sister, the Regent Joanna, to her father, the emperor, then in the monastery at Yuste. It was written nearly a year before this period of our history. Joanna gives many good reasons, especially the disorders of his finances, which made it expedient for Philip to profit by his successful campaign to conclude a peace with France,--the same which now presented themselves with such force to both Philip and his ministers. The capture of Calais, soon after the date of Joanna's letter, and the great preparations made by Henry, threw a weight into the enemy's scale which gave new heart to the French to prolong the contest, until it ended with the defeat at Gravelines.--Carta de la Princesa Juana al Emperador, 14 de Diciembre, 1557, MS.--Carta del Emperador a la Princesa, 26 de Diciembre, 1557, MS.
[243] Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib.
IV. cap. 2, 4.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secundo, parte II. lib. 11.
[244] Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.
[245] "Yo os digo que yo estoy de todo punto imposibilitado a sostener la guerra.... Estos terminos me parecen tan aprestados que so pena de perderme no puedo dejar de concertarme." Letter of Philip to the Bishop of Arras, (February 12. 1559,) ap. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V.
p. 454, et alibi.
Philip told the Venetian minister he was in such straits, that, if the French king had not made advances towards an accommodation, he should have been obliged to do so himself. Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 11.
[246] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 16.--Ferreras, Histoire Generale d'Espagne, tom. VII. p. 397.
[247] "Hablo que era de tener en mas la pressa del Condestable, que si fuera la misma persona del Rey, porque faltando el, falta el govierno jeneral todo." Carta del Mayordomo Don Luis Mendez Quixada al Secretario Juan Vazquez de Molina, MS.
[248] The French government had good reasons for its distrust. It appears from the correspondence of Granvelle, that that minister employed a _respectable_ agent to take charge of the letters of St.
Andre, and probably of the other prisoners, and that these letters were inspected by Granvelle before they pa.s.sed to the French camp. See Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 178.
[249] Some historians, among them Sismondi, seem to have given more credit to the professions of the politic Frenchman than they deserve, (Histoire des Francais, tom. XVIII. p. 73.). Granvelle, who understood the character of his antagonist better, was not so easily duped. A memorandum among his papers thus notices the French cardinal: "Toute la demonstration que faisoit ledict cardinal de Lorraine de desirer paix, estoit chose faincte a la francoise et pour nous abuser." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 168.
[250] "Adjoustant que, si Calaix demeuroit aux Francois, ny luy ny ses collegues n'oseroyent retourner en Angleterre, et que certainement le peuple les lapideroit." Ibid., p. 319.