Chapter 10
Burial rites were important ceremonials. The house hitherto tenanted by the deceased was abandoned--a custom exemplified in the removal of the capital to a new site at the commencement of each reign--and the body was transferred to a specially erected mourning-hut draped inside with fine, white cloth. The relatives and friends then a.s.sembled, and for several days performed a ceremony which resembled an Irish wake, food and sake being offered to the spirit of the dead, prayers put up, and the intervals devoted to weird singing and solemn dancing. Wooden coffins appear to have been used until the beginning of the Christian era, when stone is said to have come into vogue.
At the obsequies of n.o.bles there was considerable organization. Men (mike-hito) were duly told off to take charge of the offerings of food and liquor; others (kisari-mochi) were appointed to carry the viands; others (hahaki-mochi) carried brooms to sweep the cemetery; there were females (usu-me) who pounded rice, and females (naki-me) who sung dirges interspersed with eulogies of the deceased. The Records mention that at the burial of Prince Waka a number of birds were used instead of these female threnodists. It appears, further, that those following a funeral walked round the coffin waving blue-and-red banners, carrying lighted torches, and playing music.
In the sepulchres the arms, utensils, and ornaments used daily by the deceased were interred, and it was customary to bury alive around the tombs of Imperial personages and great n.o.bles a number of the deceased's princ.i.p.al retainers. The latter inhuman habit was nominally abandoned at the close of the last century before Christ, images of baked clay being subst.i.tuted for human sacrifices, but the spirit which informed the habit survived, and even down to modern times there were instances of men and women committing suicide for the purpose of rejoining the deceased beyond the grave. As to the nature of the tombs raised over the dead, the main facts have been stated in Chapter VI.
TEETH BLACKENING AND FACE PAINTING
The habit of blackening the teeth has long prevailed among married women in j.a.pan, but the Yamato tombs have thus far furnished only one example of the practice, and no mention occurs in the ancient annals.
Face painting, however, would seem to have been indulged in by both s.e.xes. Several of the pottery images (haniwa) taken from the tombs indicate that red pigment was freely and invariably used for that purpose. It was applied in broad streaks or large patches, the former encircling the face or forming bands across it; the latter, covering the eyes or triangulating the cheeks. It is probable that this bizarre decoration was used only on ceremonial occasions and that it appears in a greatly accentuated form on the haniwa.
AMUs.e.m.e.nTS
As to amus.e.m.e.nts in prehistoric times little information is furnished. Hunting the boar and the stag was the princ.i.p.al pastime, and hawking is described as having been practised in the fourth century of the Christian era. Music and dancing seem to have been in vogue from time immemorial, but there is nothing to tell what kind of musical instruments were in the hands of the early Yamato. The koto, a kind of horizontal lute, and the flute are spoken of in the Chronicles, but the date of their introduction is not indicated.
Wrestling, c.o.c.kfighting (with metal spurs), picnics, a kind of drafts, gambling with dice, and football are all referred to, and were probably indulged in from a very early date.
SLAVERY
The inst.i.tution of slavery existed among the Yamato. It will be presently spoken of.
POSITION OF WOMEN
There is evidence to show that in the prehistoric age a high position was accorded to women and that their rights received large recognition. The facts that the first place in the j.a.panese pantheon was a.s.signed to a G.o.ddess; that the throne was frequently occupied by Empresses; that females were chiefs of tribes and led armies on campaign; that jealous wives turned their backs upon faithless husbands; that mothers chose names for their children and often had complete charge of their upbringing--all these things go to show that the self-effacing rank taken by j.a.panese women in later ages was a radical departure from the original canon of society. It is not to be inferred, however, that fidelity to the nuptial tie imposed any check on extra-marital relations in the case of men: it had no such effect.
ENGRAVING: "IKEBANA" FLOWER ARRANGEMENT
ENGRAVING: ENTRANCE TO THE TOMB OF THE EMPEROR JIMMU IN UNEBI-YAMA
CHAPTER IX
THE PREHISTORIC SOVEREIGNS
JIMMU
IT is held by eminent j.a.panese historians that the Emperor Jimmu, when he set out for Yamato, did not contemplate an armed campaign but merely intended to change his capital from the extreme south to the centre of the country. This theory is based on the words of the address he made to his elder brothers and his sons when inviting them to accompany him on the expedition "Why should we not proceed to Yamato and make it the capital?"--and on the fact that, on arriving in the Kibi district, namely, the region now divided into the three provinces of Bizen, b.i.t.c.hu, and Bingo, he made a stay of three years for the purpose of ama.s.sing an army and provisioning it, the perception that he would have to fight having been realized for the first time. Subsequently he encountered strongest resistance at the hands of Prince Nagasune, whose t.i.tle of Hiko (Child of the Sun) showed that he belonged to the Yamato race, and who exercised military control under the authority of Nigihayahi, elder brother of Jimmu's father. This Nigihayahi had been despatched from the continental realm of the Yamato--wherever that may have been--at a date prior to the despatch of his younger brother, Ninigi, for the purpose of subjugating the "land of fair rice-ears and fertile reed plains," but of the incidents of his expedition history takes no notice: it merely shows him as ruling in Yamato at the time of Jimmu's arrival there, and describes how Nigihayahi, having been convinced by a comparison of weapons of war that Jimmu was of his own lineage, surrendered the authority to him and caused, Prince Nagasune to be put to death.
From a chronological point of view it is difficult to imagine the co-existence of Jimmu and his great-granduncle, but the story may perhaps be accepted in so far as it confirms the tradition that, in prosecuting his Yamato campaign, Jimmu received the submission of several chieftains (Kami) belonging to the same race as himself.
Reference to these facts is essential to an understanding of the cla.s.s distinctions found in the j.a.panese social system. All the chieftains who led the expedition from Kyushu were subsequently designated Tens.h.i.+n--a term which may be conveniently rendered "Kami of the descent"--and all those who, like Nigihayahi, had previously been in occupation of the country, were styled k.u.m-tsu-Kami, or "territorial Kami." Another method of distinguis.h.i.+ng was to include the former in the Kwobetsu and the latter in the s.h.i.+mbetsu--distinctions which will be more fully explained hereafter--and after apotheosis the members of these two cla.s.ses became respectively "deities of heaven" and "deities of earth," a distinction possessing historical rather than qualificatory force.
As for subdivisions, the head of a Kwobetsu family had the t.i.tle of omi (grandee) and the head of a s.h.i.+mbetsu family that of muraji (chief). Thus, the organization of the State depended primarily on the principle of ancestor wors.h.i.+p. The sceptre descended by divine right without any regard to its holder's competence, while the administrative posts were filled by men of the same race with a similar hereditary t.i.tle. Aliens like the Yezo, the Tsuchi-gumo, and the k.u.maso were either exterminated or made slaves (nuhi).
THE TERM "YAMATO"
As to the term "Yamato," it appears that, in the earliest times, the whole country now called j.a.pan was known as Yamato, and that subsequently the designation became restricted to the province which became the seat of government. The Chinese, when they first took cognizance of the islands lying on their east, seem to have applied the name Wado--p.r.o.nounced "Yamato" by the j.a.panese--to the tribes inhabiting the western sh.o.r.es of j.a.pan, namely, the k.u.maso or the Tsuchi-gumo, and in writing the word they used ideographs conveying a sense of contempt. The j.a.panese, not unnaturally, changed these ideographs to others having the same sounds but signifying "great peace." At a later time the Chinese or the Koreans began to designate these eastern islands, Jih-pen, or "Sunrise Island," a term which, in the fifteenth century, was perverted by the Dutch into j.a.pan.
THE FIRST NINE EMPERORS
In attempting to construct coherent annals out of the somewhat fragmentary j.a.panese histories of remote ages, the student is immediately confronted by chronological difficulties. Apart from the broad fact that the average age of the first seventeen Emperors from Jimmu downwards is 109 years, while the average age of the next seventeen
It is therefore not extravagant to conclude that the first ten and a half centuries covered by j.a.panese annals must be regarded as prehistoric. On the other hand, the incidents attributed to this long interval are not by any means of such a nature as to suggest deliberate fabrication. An annalist who was also a courtier, applying himself to construct the story of his sovereign's ancestors, would naturally be disposed to embellish his pages with narratives of great exploits and brilliant achievements. Neither the Records nor the Chronicles can be said to display such a propensity in any marked degree. The Chronicles do, indeed, draw upon the resources of Chinese history to construct ethical codes and scholarly diction for their Imperial figures, but the Records show no traces of advent.i.tious colour nor make an attempt to minimize the evil and magnify the good.
Thus, while it is evident that to consolidate Jimmu's conquest and to establish order among the heterogeneous elements of his empire he must have been followed by rulers of character and prowess, the annals show nothing of the kind. On the contrary, the reigns of his eight immediate successors are barren of all striking incident. The closing chapter of Jimmu himself is devoted chiefly to his amours, and the opening page in the life of his immediate successor, Suisei, shows that the latter reached the throne by a.s.sa.s.sinating his elder brother. For the rest, the annals of the eight sovereigns who reigned during the interval between 561 and 98 B.C. recount mainly the polygamous habits of these rulers and give long genealogies of the n.o.ble families founded by their offspring--a dearth of romance which bears strong witness to the self-restraint of the compilers. We learn incidentally that on his accession each sovereign changed the site of his palace, seldom pa.s.sing, however, beyond the limits of the province of Yamato, and we learn, also, that the principle of primogeniture, though generally observed, was often violated.
HSU FUH
A j.a.panese tradition a.s.signs to the seventy-second year of the reign of Korei the advent of a Chinese Taoist, by name Hsu Fuh. Korei, seventh in descent from Jimmu, held the sceptre from 290 to 215 B.C., and the seventy-second year of his reign fell, therefore, in 219 B.C.
Now, to the east of the town of s.h.i.+ngu in Kii province, at a place on the seash.o.r.e in the vicinity of the site of an ancient castle, there stands a tomb bearing the inscription "Grave of Hsu Fuh from China,"
and near it are seven tumuli said to be the burial-places of Hsu's companions. Chinese history states that Hsu Fuh was a learned man who served the first Emperor of the Chin dynasty (255-206 B.C.), and that he obtained his sovereign's permission to sail to the islands of the east in search of the elixir of life. Setting out from Yentai (the present Chefoo) in his native province of Shantung, Hsu landed at k.u.mano in the Kii promontory, and failing to find the elixir, preferred to pa.s.s his life in j.a.pan rather than to return unsuccessful to the Court of the tyranical Chin sovereign, burner of the books and builder of the Great Wall. A poem composed in the Sung dynasty (A.D. 960-1280) says that when Hsu Fuh set out, the books had not been burned, and that a hundred volumes thus survived in his keeping. Of course, the date a.s.signed by j.a.panese tradition to the coming of Hsu may have been adapted to Chinese history, and it therefore furnishes no evidence as to the accuracy of the Chronicles'
chronology. But the existence of the tomb may be regarded as proving that some communication took place between China and j.a.pan at that remote epoch.*
*The route taken by Hsu Fuh namely, from Chefoo down the China Sea and round the south of j.a.pan is difficult to understand.
THE TENTH EMPEROR, SUJIN
The reign of this sovereign (97-30 B.C.) is the first eventful period since the death of Jimmu. It is memorable for the reorganization of religious rites; for the extension of the effective sway of the Throne, and for the encouragement of agriculture. When the first Emperor installed the sacred insignia in the palace where he himself dwelt, the instinct of filial piety and the principle of ancestor wors.h.i.+p were scarcely distinguishable. But as time pa.s.sed and as the age of the Kami became more remote, a feeling of awe began to pervade the rites more strongly than a sense of family affection, and the idea of residing and wors.h.i.+pping in the same place a.s.sumed a character of sacrilege. This may have been directly suggested by a pestilence which, decimating the nation, was interpreted as implying the need of greater purity. A replica of the sacred mirror was manufactured, and the grandson of the great worker in metal Mahitotsu, the "One-eyed" was ordered to forge an imitation of the sacred sword. These imitations, together with the sacred jewel, were kept in the palace, but the originals were transferred to Kasanui in Yamato, where a shrine for the wors.h.i.+p of the Sun G.o.ddess had been built. But though the pestilence was stayed, it brought an aftermath of lawlessness and produced much unrest in the regions remote from Yamato. Sujin therefore organized a great military movement, the campaign of the s.h.i.+do shogun, or "Generalissimo of the four Circuits."*
*The term "do" indicates a group of provinces.
The leaders chosen for this task were all members of the Imperial family--a great-uncle, an uncle, a younger brother, and a first cousin of the Emperor--and the fields of operation a.s.signed to them were: first, to the west along the northern sh.o.r.e of the Inland Sea; secondly, to the northwest into Tamba, Tango, and Tajima; thirdly, to the north along the sea of j.a.pan, and finally to the east along the route now known as the Tokaido. No attempt is made by the writers of either the Records or the Chronicles to describe the preparations for this extensive campaign. Tradition seems to have preserved the bare fact only.
One interesting interlude is described, however. Before the first body of troops had pa.s.sed beyond range of easy communication with Mizugaki in Yamato, where the Court resided, the prince in command heard a girl singing by the wayside, and the burden of her song seemed to imply that, while foes at home menaced the capital, foes abroad should not be attacked. The prince, halting his forces, returned to Mizugaki to take counsel, and the Emperor's aunt interpreted the song to signify that his Majesty's half-brother, Haniyasu, who governed the adjacent province of Yamato, was plotting treason. Then all the troops having been recalled, preparations to guard the capital were made, and soon afterwards, news came that Haniyasu, at the head of an army, was advancing from the direction of Yamas.h.i.+ro, while his wife, Ata, was leading another force from Osaka, the plan being to unite the two armies for the attack on Yamato. The Emperor's generals at once a.s.sumed the offensive. They moved first against Princess Ata, killed her and exterminated her forces; after which they dealt similarly with Haniyasu. This chapter of history ill.u.s.trates the important part taken by women in affairs of State at that epoch, and incidentally confirms the fact that armour was worn by men in battle.
The four Imperial generals were now able to resume their temporarily interrupted campaigns. According to the Chronicles they completed the tasks a.s.signed to them and returned to the capital within six months.
But such chronology cannot be reconciled with facts. For it is related that the generals sent northward by the western seaboard and the eastern seaboard, respectively, came together at Aizu,* one reaching that place via Hitachi, the other via Echigo. Thus, it would result that Yamato armies at that remote epoch marched hundreds of miles through country in the face of an enemy within a few months.
Further, to bring the aboriginal tribes into subjugation, an isolated campaign would have been quite inadequate. Some kind of permanent control was essential, and there is collateral evidence that the descendants of the four princely generals, during many generations, occupied the position of provincial magnates and exercised virtually despotic sway within the localities under their jurisdiction. Thus in the provinces of Omi, of Suruga, of Mutsu, of Iwas.h.i.+ro, of Iwaki, of Echigo, of Etchu, of Echizen, of Bizen, of b.i.t.c.hu, of Bingo, of Harima, of Tamba, and elsewhere, there are found in later ages n.o.ble families all tracing their descent to one or another of the s.h.i.+do shoguns despatched on the task of pacifying the country in the days of the Emperor Sujin. The genealogies which fill pages of the Records from the days of Jimmu downwards point clearly to the growth of a powerful feudal aristocracy, for the younger sons born to successive sovereigns bear, for the most part, names indicative of territorial lords.h.i.+p; but it seems justifiable to conclude that the first great impetus to that kind of decentralization was given by Sujin's despatch of the s.h.i.+do shoguns.
*Hence the term "Aizu," form, signifies "to meet."
AGRICULTURE AND TAXATION
The digging of reservoirs and tunnels for irrigating rice-fields received unprecedented attention in the reign of this Emperor, and mention is for the first time made of taxes--tributes of "bow-notches and of finger-tips," in other words, the produce of the chase and the products of the loom. A census was taken for taxation purposes, but unhappily the results are nowhere recorded. The Court gave itself some concern about maritime transport also. A rescript ordered that s.h.i.+ps should be built by every province, but nothing is stated as to their dimensions or nature. In this rescript it is mentioned that "the people of the coast not having s.h.i.+ps, suffer grievously by land transport." What they suffered may be inferred from a description in the Chronicles where we read that at the building of the tomb of a princess, "the people, standing close to each other, pa.s.sed the stones from hand to hand, and thus transported them from Osaka to Yamato."
FOREIGN INTERCOURSE
Korea, when j.a.panese history is first explicitly concerned with it, was peopled by a number of semi-independent tribes, and the part of the peninsula lying southward of the Han River--that is to say, southward of the present Seoul--comprised three kingdoms. Of these Ma-Han occupied the whole of the western half of the peninsula along the coast of the Yellow Sea; while Sin-Han and Pyong-Han formed the eastern half, lying along the sh.o.r.e of the Sea of j.a.pan. The three were collectively spoken of as Sam-Han (the three Han). But j.a.pan's relations with the peninsula did not always involve these major divisions. Her annals speak of s.h.i.+ragi (or Sinra), Kara, Kudara, and Koma. s.h.i.+ragi and Kara were princ.i.p.alities carved respectively out of the southeast and south of Pyong-Han. Thus, they lay nearest to j.a.pan, the Korea Strait alone intervening, and the Korea Strait was almost bridged by islands. Kudara const.i.tuted the modern Seoul and its vicinity; Koma, (called also Korai and in Korea, Kokuli), the modern Pyong-yang and its district. These two places were rendered specially accessible by the rivers Han and Tadong which flowed through them to the Yellow Sea; but of course in this respect they could not compare with s.h.i.+ragi (Sinra) and Kara, of which latter place the j.a.panese usually spoke as Mimana.
There can scarcely be any doubt that the Korean peninsula was largely permeated with Chinese influences from a very early date, but the processes which produced that result need not be detailed here. It has been also shown above that, in the era prior to Jimmu, indications are found of intercourse between j.a.pan and Korea, and even that Susanoo and his son held sway in s.h.i.+ragi. But the first direct reference made by j.a.panese annals to Korea occurs in the reign of Sujin, 33 B.C. when an envoy from Kara arrived at the Mizugaki Court, praying that a j.a.panese general might be sent to compose a quarrel which had long raged between Kara and s.h.i.+ragi, and to take the former under j.a.pan's protection. It appears that this envoy had travelled by a very circuitous route. He originally made the port of Anato (modern Nagato), but Prince Itsutsu, who ruled there, claimed to be the sole monarch of j.a.pan and refused to allow the envoy to proceed, so that the latter had to travel north and enter j.a.pan via Kehi-no-ura (now Tsuruga.)
Incidentally this narrative corroborates a statement made in Chinese history (compiled in the Later Han era, A.D. 25-220) to the effect that many j.a.panese provinces claimed to be under hereditary rulers who exercised sovereign rights. Such, doubtless, was the att.i.tude a.s.sumed by several of the Imperial descendants who had obtained provincial estates. The Emperor Sujin received the envoy courteously and seemed disposed to grant his request, but his Majesty's death (30 B.C.) intervened, and not until two years later was the envoy able to return. His mission had proved abortive, but the Emperor Suinin, Sujin's successor, gave him some red-silk fabrics to carry home and conferred on his country the name Mimana, in memory of Sujin, whose appellation during life had been Mimaki.
These details furnish an index to the relations that existed in that era between the neighbouring states of the Far East. The special interest of the incident lies, however, in the fact that it furnishes the first opportunity of comparing j.a.panese history with Korean. The latter has two claims to credence. The first is that it a.s.signs no incredible ages to the sovereigns whose reigns it records. According to j.a.panese annals there were only seven accessions to the throne of Yamato during the first four centuries of the Christian era.
According to Korean annals, the three peninsular princ.i.p.alities had sixteen, seventeen, and sixteen accessions, respectively, in the same interval. The second claim is that, during the same four centuries, the histories of China and Korea agree in ten dates and differ in two only.* On the whole, therefore, Korean annals deserve to be credited.
But whereas j.a.panese history represents warfare as existing between Kara and s.h.i.+ragi in 33 B.C., Korean history represents the conflict as having broken out in A.D. 77. There is a difference of just 110 years, and the strong probability of accuracy is on the Korean side.
*For a masterly a.n.a.lysis of this subject see a paper on Early j.a.panese History by Mr. W. G. Aston in Vol. XVI of the "Translations of the Asiatic Society of j.a.pan."
THE ELEVENTH SOVEREIGN, SUININ (29 B.C.--A.D. 70)